Section I Use of English
Directions:
Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
The ethical(伦理的，民族的） judgments of the Supreme Court justices have become an important issue（流出;放出发行;问题;使流出;放出;发行;发布;发给;配给;出） recently. The court cannot maintain（ vt. 维持；继续；维修；主张；供养） its legitimacy（合法，正当） as guardian（保卫者，保护者） of the rule of law when justices behave like politicians（政客）. Yet, in several（一些，几个） instances（例子，事例）, justices acted in ways that weakened（变弱） the court’s reputation（名誉） for being independent（独立，自主） and impartial（公平的）.
Justice Antonin Scalia, for example, appeared at political（政治上的） events. That kind of activity(活动，活性） makes it less likely that the court’s（法院） decisions（决定，决心） will be accepted as impartial（公平的） judgments. Part of the problem is that the justices are not bound（束缚，限制，范围） by an ethics（道德规范） code（代码，密码，法规，法典）. At the very least, the court should make itself subject（主题，科目，服从的，使…隶属） to the code of conduct（行为，品行，举动） that applies（申请，请求） to the rest of the federal（联邦的） judiciary(司法部）.This and other similar（相似的） cases（情况，事例，案件） raise the question of whether there is still a line between the court and politics.
The framers（创作者，制定者） of the Constitution（宪法） envisioned（想像，预想） law as having authority（权力） apart from politics. They gave justices（正义，公平，司法） permanent（永久的） positions（位置，地位） so they would be free to upset（使心烦，扰乱） those in power and have no need to cultivate（培养，陶冶，耕作） political（政治上的，政策的） support. Our legal（法律的，合法的） system was designed to set law apart from politics precisely（精确的，明确的） because they are so closely tied（tie的过去分词，系住的）.
Constitutional（组织的，立宪的，体制的） law is political because it results（结果，归结于，导致） from choices rooted（根，固定的） in fundamental（基本，原则，基本原理） social concepts（观念，概念） like liberty（自由，自主权） and property（财产，资产）. When the court deals with social policy（政策，方针） decisions（决定）, the law it shapes（形状，使成形） is inescapably（逃不掉的） political-which is why decisions split along ideological（观念学的，空论的） lines are so easily（容易的） dismissed（开除，解散，摒弃） as unjust(不公平的）.
The justices must address（演说，从事，忙于，演讲，致辞） doubts（怀疑） about the court’s legitimacy（合法，适当） by making themselves accountable（有责任的，有解释义务的，可解释的） to the code of conduct（行为，品行）. That would make rulings（判决） more likely to be seen as separate from politics and, as a result , convincing（使人信服的） as law.
Section II Reading Comprehension
Part A
Directions:
Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)
Text 1
Come on –Everybody’s doing it. That whispered message, half invitation（招待，邀请） and half forcing, is what most of us think of when we hear the words peer（与。。相等，与。。相比） pressure（压，压力）「同辈压力」. It usually leads to no good-drinking, drugs and casual（偶然的，不经意的） sex. But in her new book Join the Club, Tina Rosenberg contends（奋斗，斗争） that peer pressure can also be a positive（明确的，积极的） force through what she calls the social（社会的） cure（治愈）, in which organizations and officials use the power of group dynamics（动力学） to help individuals（个人，个体） improve their lives and possibly（可能的，也许） the word.
Rosenberg, the recipient（领受者，容纳者，容器） of a Pulitzer Prize, offers a host of example of the social cure in action（动作）: In South Carolina, a state-sponsored（国家支持的） antismoking（反对吸烟） program called Rage Against the Haze sets out to make cigarettes uncool. In South Africa, an HIV-prevention（防治） initiative（主动性） known as LoveLife recruits（新兵，新分子，新会员） young people to promote（促进，提升，发起） safe sex among their peers.
The idea seems promising（有希望的），and Rosenberg is a perceptive（知觉的，有理解力的） observer（观察者）. Her critique（批评，评论） of the lameness（跛，残废） of many pubic-health campaigns（战役，运动，活动） is spot-on: they fail to mobilize（动员，流动） peer pressure for healthy habits, and they demonstrate（示威，论证，示范） a seriously flawed（缺点） understanding of psychology.” Dare to be different, please don’t smoke!” pleads（辩护） one billboard（布告牌，广告牌） campaign aimed at reducing smoking among teenagers-teenagers, who desire（愿望，要求，请求） nothing more than fitting in. Rosenberg argues（争论） convincingly(信服的） that public-health advocates（鼓吹，主张） ought（责任，应该） to take a page from advertisers（广告，客户）, so skilled at applying peer pressure.
But on the general effectiveness of the social cure, Rosenberg is less persuasive（善说服的）. Join the Club is filled with too much irrelevant（不恰当的，不相干的） detail and not enough exploration（探险） of the social and biological factors that make peer pressure so powerful. The most glaring（闪耀的，炫目的） flaw（缺点） of the social cure as it’s presented（赠送，出席，提交） here is that it doesn’t work very well for very long. Rage Against the Haze failed once state funding（债务） was cut. Evidence（根据，证据，明显） that the LoveLife program produces lasting changes is limited and mixed.
There’s no doubt that our peer groups exert（发挥，运用，施以影响） enormous（巨大的） influence on our behavior. An emerging（出现的，发生的） body of research shows that positive（肯定的，确实的，明确的） health habits-as well as negative ones-spread through networks of friends via social communication. This is a subtle（敏感的;精细的;狡猾的） form of peer pressure: we unconsciously（无意识的） imitate（模仿） the behavior we see every day.
Far less certain, however, is how successfully experts（专家，能手，内行） and bureaucrats（官僚作风的人;官僚;官僚政治论者） can select our peer groups and steer（驾驶设备;行路指南;vt.引导;驾驶;航行;筹划;vi.驾驶;掌舵;行驶;被驾驶） their activities（活动，活性） in virtuous（有品德的，善良的） directions（方向）. It’s like the teacher who breaks up the troublemakers in the back row by pairing them with better-behaved classmates. The tactic（战略，策略） never really works. And that’s the problem with a social cure engineered from the outside: in the real world, as in school, we insist（坚持） on choosing our own friends.
Text 2
A deal is a deal-except, apparently（表面上，似乎） ,when Entergy is involved（涉及，参与）. The company, a major（专业） energy supplier（供应者） in New England, provoked（挑衅） justified（有道理的, 合乎情理的） outrage（.暴行;侮辱;愤怒;vt.凌辱;虐待;触犯） in Vermont（佛蒙特州） last week when it announced it was reneging（食言，否认，拒绝） on a longstanding（长时间的） commitment（委托;实行;承担义务;赞助） to abide（坚持，忍受，遵守） by the strict（严厉的） nuclear regulations（规则）.
Instead, the company has done precisely（精确地;明确地） what it had long promised it would not challenge the constitutionality（合宪） of Vermont’s rules in the federal（联邦） court, as part of a desperate（不顾死活的;危急的;令人绝望的;极渴望的） effort（努力，成就） to keep its Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant running. It’s a stunning（足以使人晕倒的;极好的） move.
The conflict（冲突，矛盾） has been surfacing（使成平面，铺面） since 2002, when the corporation(公司，企业） bought Vermont’s only nuclear power plant, an aging（老化） reactor（反应者，反应器） in Vernon. As a condition（条件，状况，调节） of receiving state（州;国;状态;情形;国家;政府;领土;国务;社会地位;a.国家的;正式的） approval（赞同，同意） for the sale, the company agreed to seek permission（准许，许可） from state regulators（调整者） to operate past 2012. In 2006, the state went a step further, requiring that any extension（伸长，扩张） of the plant’s license be subject（.主题;臣民;主语;题目;学科;受治疗者;原因;理由;自我;a.服从的;科目） to Vermont legislature’s（立法机关，立法院） approval. Then, too, the company went along.
Either Entergy never really intended（想要;打算;打算使…为;意指;意思是） to live by those commitments（委托;实行;承担义务;赞助）, or it simply didn’t foresee（预知，预见） what would happen next. A string of accidents, including the partial（偏袒的;不公平的;部分的;不完全的） collapse（崩溃，虚脱） of a cooling tower（塔，高楼） in 207 and the discovery of an underground pipe（管，管道） system leakage（漏，泄漏）, raised serious questions about both Vermont Yankee’s safety and Entergy’s management（管理）– especially after the company made misleading statements about the pipe. Enraged（激怒） by Entergy’s behavior, the Vermont Senate voted 26 to 4 last year against allowing an extension.
Now the company is suddenly claiming（要求，认领,主张） that the 2002 agreement is invalid（病人，残废的） because of the 2006 legislation（立法）, and that only the federal（联邦的） government has regulatory（取缔的，调整的） power over nuclear issues（发行，出版，问题）. The legal issues in the case are obscure（微暗的;难解的;含糊的;晦涩的;偏僻的;不著名的;vt.使阴暗;隐藏;使含糊）: whereas（然而） the Supreme Court has ruled that states do have some regulatory authority（权力） over nuclear power, legal scholars say that Vermont case will offer a precedent-setting（前例，先前的） test of how far those powers extend. Certainly, there are valid（有效的，正确的） concerns（关系，关心） about the patchwork（拼凑物） regulations（规章，制度） that could result if every state sets its own rules. But had Entergy kept its word, that debate（争论） would be beside the point.
The company seems to have concluded that its reputation（名誉，声誉） in Vermont is already so damaged（损坏） that it has noting left to lose by going to war with the state. But there should be consequences（结果）. Permission（准许） to run a nuclear plant is a poblic trust. Entergy runs 11 other reactors（反应器） in the United States, including Pilgrim Nuclear station in Plymouth. Pledging（保证） to run Pilgrim（旅行者;朝圣者;香客;vi.朝圣） safely, the company has applied for federal permission to keep it open for another 20 years. But as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) reviews（检讨;复习;回顾;考察;评论;vt.温习;检讨;评论;再检察;复审;vi.复习功课） the company’s application（申请;申请书;应用;用途;勤奋;勤勉）, it should keep it mind what promises from Entergy are worth.
Text 3
In the idealized（理想化的） version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed（观察，遵守） and collected（收集） by objective（目的，目标，客观的） researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous（暧昧的，不明确的） and complicated（使复杂的） route（路线）. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context（上下文，背景） of our unique life experience. Prior（院长，更重要的，较早的） knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent（随后的，后来的） actions（动作） we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation（误译，曲解）, error, and self-deception（欺谝，诡计） abound（丰富，大量存在）.
Consequently（因而，所以）, discovery claims（要求，认领，主张） should be thought of as protoscience（原始科学，传统科学). Similar to newly staked(桩;炮烙刑;木柱;赌注;奖金;vt.打桩;用桩撑;下赌注;资助;vi.打赌) mining(采矿） claims, they are full of potential（潜在性，可能性）. But it takes collective（团体，集体） scrutiny（细看，仔细察看） and acceptance（接受，同意） to transform（转换，改变） a discovery claim into a mature（成熟的，到期的，充分的） discovery. This is the credibility（可信用的，可靠的，确实性的） process（程序，进程，对。。起诉）, through which the individual（个人，个体） researcher’s me, here, now becomes the community’s（社会，社区） anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal（目标）, not the starting point.
Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual（有知识者,知识分子，智力的） credit（信誉）. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure(结构） of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication（发表，公布） process（进程）; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying（伴随） technology. As a discovery claim works it through the community, the interaction（相互作用，干扰) and confrontation(对审，面对面） between shared and competing（竞争） beliefs about the science and the technology involved（使更困难，混乱） transforms an individual’s discovery claim into the community’s credible（可信的） discovery.
Two paradoxes（似非而是的论点,自相矛盾的话） exist（存在,生存,生活,继续存在） throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing（流行很广，普通的） Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete（不完全的，不确定的） or incorrect（不正确的）. Little reward（报酬） accompanies(伴随） duplication（副本，复制） and confirmation（确认） of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly（令人惊讶的）, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing（使人信服的） will always be open to challenge and potential（潜在性，可能性） modification（修正，修改） or refutation（反驳） by future researchers. Second, novelty（新奇，新鲜） itself frequently provokes（挑衅） disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as “seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.” But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated（欣赏;鉴赏;正确评价;鉴别;感谢;感激）.
In the end, credibility（可信的） “happens” to a discovery claim – a process that corresponds（符合，一致） to what philosopher（哲学家） Annette Baier has described as the commons(公共的) of the mind. “We reason（n.理由;原因理智;理性;vi.推论;推理;vt.推论;推理;说服;评理;辩论;讨论） together, challenge, revise（校订，修正）, and complete each other’s reasoning and each other’s conceptions（观念，概念） of reason.”
Text 4
If the trade unionist(工会会员;工会主义者) Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent(表现;表示;描绘;讲述;声称;代表;象徵;扮演;回忆;再赠送) civil(公民的） servant（仆人，公务员）. When Hoffa’s Teamsters were in their prime（最佳部分，前期，初期） in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union; now 36% do. In 2009 the number of unionists in America’s public sector（部门，部分，扇形） passed that of their fellow members in the private（私人的，士兵） sector. In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized（统一，使入会）.
There are three reasons for the public-sector unions’ thriving（兴旺的）. First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences（结果，后果）. Second, they are mostly bright（明亮的，聪明的） and well-educated. A quarter of America’s public-sector workers have a university degree. Third, they now dominate（支配，占优势） left-of-centre politics（政治）. Some of their ties go back a long way. Britain’s Labor（劳动） Party, as its name implies（暗指，含有。。的意思）, has long been associated（联合的） with trade unionism. Its current leader, Ed Miliband, owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.
At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome（吓人的）. Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy（政策） Institute（学会，协会） of California points out that much of the state’s budget（预算） is patrolled（巡逻） by unions. The teachers’ unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons（监狱） and a variety（多种多样的） of labor groups on health care.
In many rich countries average wages（工资） in the state sector are higher than in the private（私人的） one. But the real gains（获得，利润） come in benefits and work practices. Politicians（政客） have repeatedly（反复的） “backloaded” public-sector pay deals, keeping the pay increases modest（谦逊的;羞怯的;端庄的;适度的） but adding to holidays and especially pensions（退休金;年金;抚恤金;膳宿学校;vt.发给退休金） that are already generous（大量的，慷慨的）.
Reform（改革） has been vigorously（有力的，精神旺盛r ） opposed(反对的，敌对的）, perhaps most egregiously（过分的，卓越的） in education, where charter（特许状;执照;宪章;vt.特许;发给特许执照） schools, academies（学会，研究院） and merit（优点，功绩） pay all faced drawn-out battles（战斗）. Even though there is plenty（许多，大量） of evidence（根据，证据） that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable（易变，变代性）, teachers’ unions have fought（fight过去式） against getting rid（摆脱，消灭） of bad ones and promoting（促进，提升） good ones.
As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians（政客） have begun to clamp（夹子,夹具,夹钳 vt.夹住,夹紧） down（压制）. In Wisconsin the unions have rallied（重振旗鼓;集合;示威运动;价格回稳;v.重整旗鼓;集合;恢复精神;团结） thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor（编制者）. But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.
John Donahue at Harvard’s Kennedy School points out that the norms（基准;模范;标准;智力水准;平均数） of culture in Western civil services suit those who want to stay put but is bad for high achievers（有成就的人）. The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches（客车，长途汽车，教练） and the president（总统） of the United States. Bankers’ fat pay packets have attracted much criticism（批评）, but a public-sector system that does not reward（报酬） high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.
Part B
Directions:
In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions 41-45, choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blanks（空白）. There are two extra（额外的） choices, which do not fit in any of the blanks. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET1.(10 points)
Think of those fleeting（飞逝的;疾驰的;短暂的） moments when you look out of an aeroplane（飞机） window and realise（vt. 实现, 认识到, 体会到, 了解, 认清, 使显得逼真, 变卖财产为现钱） that you are flying, higher than a bird. Now think of your laptop, thinner than a brown-paper envelope（n.信封;包裹物;封皮;封套;外壳;壳层;包迹;包线）, or your cellphone in the palm（手掌） of your hand. Take a moment or two to wonder at those marvels（奇异的事物）. You are the lucky inheritor（继承人） of a dream come true.
The second half of the 20th century saw a collection of geniuses, warriors（战士，勇士）, entrepreneurs（企业家） and visionaries（空想家，幻想的） labour（劳动） to create a fabulous（传说的，无根据的，难以置信的） machine that could function as a typewriter and printing press, studio（n.电影制片厂;画室;摄影室;播音室;音乐室;工作室——） and theatre（剧院）, paintbrush（画笔） and gallery（美术馆）, piano and radio, the mail as well as the mail carrier（搬运者，携带者）. (41)
The networked computer is an amazing device（设备，装置）, the first media machine that serves as the mode（模式，模态） of production, means of distribution（n.分发;销售;频率分布;分配装置;分布;区分;分类;配电）, site of reception（接待，招待会）, and place of praise and critique（批评）. The computer is the 21st century's culture machine.
But for all the reasons there are to celebrate（庆祝） the computer, we must also tread with caution（小心，慎重）. (42)I call it a secret war for two reasons. First, most people do not realise that there are strong commercial（n.广告节目;a.商业的;商用的;商品化的） agendas（议程，日常工作事项 at work to keep them in passive（被动的，消极的） consumption（消费） mode. Second, the majority of people who use networked computers to upload are not even aware（意识到，明白，知道） of the significance of what they are doing.
All animals download, but only a few upload. Beavers（n.海狸;水獭;勤奋工作的人） build dams（水坝，水阐) and birds make nests. Yet for the most part, the animal kingdom(王国，天国） moves through the world downloading. Humans are unique in their capacity（容量，能力，才能） to not only make tools but then turn around and use them to create superfluous material（材料） goods - paintings, sculpture（雕刻，雕塑） and architecture（建筑学） - and superfluous experiences - music, literature（文学）, religion（宗教，信仰） and philosophy（哲学）. (43)
For all the possibilities（可能性） of our new culture machines, most people are still stuck（[stick]n.棍;棒;刺;枯枝;茎;条状物;[美俚]大麻烟卷;vt.[stuck]插於;刺入;钉住;伸出;粘贴;使停止;vi.粘住） in download mode. Even after the advent（来到，来临） of widespread social media, a pyramid（角落，金字塔） of production remains, with a small number of people uploading material（材料，物资）, a slightly（瘦小的，轻微的） larger group commenting（批评，注解） on or modifying（修正，变更） that content（n.内容;满足;意义;要旨;a.满足的;满意的;意义的;vt.使…满足）, and a huge percentage（百分比） remaining content to just consume（消费）. (44)
Television is a one-way tap（n.轻打;水龙头;vt.轻打;轻敲;敲打出;选择;装上嘴子;使流出;开发;召集;分接） flowing（n.流程;流动;涨潮;流量;洋溢;泛滥;vi.流动;流泄;畅流;川流不息;飘扬） into our homes. The hardest task that television asks of anyone is to turn the power off after he has turned it on.
(45)
What counts as meaningful uploading? My definition（定义，确定） revolves（v.旋转;绕转;公转;循环;思考;细想;盘算） around the concept（概念，思想） of "stickiness" - creations and experiences to which others adhere（依附，粘着，坚持）.
[A] Of course, it is precisely（精确的，明确的） these superfluous things that define human culture and ultimately（归根结底，最终） what it is to be human. Downloading and consuming（消费） culture requires great skills, but failing to move beyond downloading is to strip（n.长条;条状;带;脱衣舞;vt.脱衣;被剥去;剥夺;拆卸;vi.脱衣服） oneself of a defining constituent（成分，选民，构成物） of humanity（人类，人性）.
[B] Applications like tumblr.com, which allow users to combine pictures, words and other media in creative ways and then share them, have the potential（潜在性，可能性） to add stickiness（粘性，胶粘） by amusing, entertaining（招待，款待） and enlightening（有启发作用的, 使人领悟的） others.
[C] Not only did they develop such a device but by the turn of the millennium（太平盛世，一千年） they had also managed to embed（嵌入） it in a worldwide system accessed（n.访问;通路;进入;使用权;发作） by billions of people every day.
[D] This is because the networked computer has sparked（ n.火花,火星,闪光,情郎,花花公子,活力,电信技师,瞬间放电 vi.闪烁,发火花,求婚 vt.发动,鼓舞,使有朝气,求婚） a secret war between downloading and uploading - between passive（消极的） consumption（消费） and active（活跃的，积极的） creation - whose outcome（结果，出品，演变） will shape（n.形状;形态;外形;定形;形式;身材;vt.定形;使成形;塑造;计划） our collective（n.团体;集体;集合名词;a.集体的;共同的） future in ways we can only begin to imagine.
[E] The challenge the computer mounts（n.乘用马;框;衬纸;山;vi.乘马;爬上;增长;vt.爬上;使上马;装上;装裱;安放） to television thus bears little similarity to one format being replaced by another in the manner（n.方式;态度;举止;风度;风格;礼貌;规矩;种类） of record（唱片） players being replaced by CD players.
[F] One reason for the persistence（n.坚持;持续;坚持不懈） of this pyramid（n.角锥;金字塔;v.(使)成金字塔状;(使)渐增;(使)上涨） of production is that for the past half-century, much of the world's media culture has been defined by a single medium - television - and television is defined by downloading.
[G]The networked computer offers the first chance in 50 years to reverse（n.相反;背面;倒退;挫折;失败;a.反面的;相反的;反向的;颠倒的;vt.颠倒;逆转） the flow, to encourage thoughtful downloading and, even more importantly, meaningful uploading.
Part C
Directions:
Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments（n.(片)段;部分;分节;v.分割;分裂） into Chinese. Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)
Since the days of Aristotle（亚里斯多德）, a search for universal principles（原则, 原理, 道义, 节操） has characterized（表现。。的特性） the scientific enterprise（企业，事业，进取心）. In some ways, this quest（探索，寻求，调查） for commonalities（公共，平民） defines science. Newton’s laws of motion（移动，手势，动作，请求） and Darwinian（达尔文的） evolution each bind（绑，约束力） a host of different phenomena（现象） into a single explicatory（解说，说明的） frame（框架，结构） work.
(46)In physics, one approach（n.方法;途径;靠近;临近;接近;vt.向…靠近;与…打交道;vi.靠近;临近） takes this impulse（冲动，驱使） for unification（统一，联合，一致） to its extreme（极度，最大限度）, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative（生成的，生产的，生殖的） equation（相等） for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification（单一，单纯）, given the dimensions（尺寸，尺度，次元） and universes（宇宙） that it might entail（n.限定继承权;vt.使必需;使蒙受;使承担;遗传给）, nonetheless（虽然如此，但是）, unification of sorts（类别，种类） remains（保持，剩余） a major goal.
This tendency（倾向，趋势） in the natural sciences has long been evident（明显的，明白的） in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification（辩护，释罪） for it all humans share common(平民） origins（起源） it seems reasonable（合理的，有道理的） to suppose（推想，猜想） that cultural diversity（差异，多样性） could also be traced（n.痕迹;踪迹;微量;迹线;缰绳;vt.追踪;回溯;描绘;vi.上溯;沿路走） to more constrained（被强迫的，不舒服的） beginnings. Just as the bewildering（令人困惑的，使人混乱的） variety（多种多样的） of human courtship（求爱，求婚） rituals（仪式，典礼） might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world’s languages, music, social（社会的） and religious（n.修道士;出家人;a.宗教性的;虔诚的;宗教上的） customs（n.习惯;风俗;海关;自定义;v.定制） and even history are governed（统治，管理，支配） by universal features（n.特徵;特色;面部特徵;相貌;特写;特载;v.以…为特色;扮演重要角色）. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural（a.教养的;修养的;教化的） behavior arose（引起，激起，出现） and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive（认识的） terms（n.术语;名词;期限;学期;任期;限期;开庭期;条件;条款;价钱;关系;地位;项）.
That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative（匹敌者，比较的，相当的） study of linguistic（语言的，语言学的） traits（特色，品质） published online today supplies（n. 供应品, 日用必需品, 生活用品, (储备)物质, 存货, 补给品, 生活费用） a reality（真实，事实，本体） check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars（文法，语言学,有关原理的书） in the light of two previous（早先） attempts（努力，试图，尝试） to find universality in language.
The most famous of these efforts（成就，努力） was initiated（开始，发动，发起） by Noam Chomsky, who suggested（建议，暗示，促成） that humans are born with an innate（先天的，天生的） language—acquisition（获得） capacity（容量，能力，才能） that dictates（命令，支配，口述，口授） a universal grammar. A few generative（a.生殖的;生产的;有生殖力的） rules are then sufficient（足够的，充足的） to unfold（展开，打开） the entire fundamental（基本原则，基本原理） structure（结构） of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.
(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical（完全根据经验的，经验主义的） approach（n.方法;途径;靠近;临近;接近;vt.向…靠近;与…打交道;vi.靠近;临近） to universality identifying（识别，鉴别） traits（特色，品质） (particularly in word order) shared by many language which are considered to represent（表现，表示，描绘） biases（偏见，斜线） that result from cognitive（认知的，认识的） constraints（约束，强制，局促）
Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent（表现，表示，描绘） more than 2,000 languages.(50)Chomsky’s grammar（语言学） should show patterns（n.图案;模范;榜样;型;式样;样品;图样;vt.摹制;仿造;以图案装饰） of language change that are independent（n.中立派;无党派者;a.独立的;自主的;不须依赖的;不受约束的） of the family tree or the pathway（路） tracked（n.轨迹;足迹;路;轨道;磁轨;途径;vt.循路而行;追踪;通过;用纤拉;vi.追踪） through it. Whereas（然而，反之） Greenbergian universality predicts（预知，预言） strong co-dependencies between particular（n.细节;细目;详情;a.特别的;特殊的;详细的;挑剔的;苛求的） types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne（n.熊;[bear;bore;borne]vt.忍受;负荷;产生;怀有;使跌价;vi.忍受;结果实;压迫;开动;转向） out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lire age-specific（n.特效药;特性;a.特殊的;明确的;具有特效的;特定的;具体的） and not governed（vt.统治;管理;支配;决定;控制;抑制） by universals（宇宙的）
Directions:
Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
The ethical(伦理的，民族的） judgments of the Supreme Court justices have become an important issue（流出;放出发行;问题;使流出;放出;发行;发布;发给;配给;出） recently. The court cannot maintain（ vt. 维持；继续；维修；主张；供养） its legitimacy（合法，正当） as guardian（保卫者，保护者） of the rule of law when justices behave like politicians（政客）. Yet, in several（一些，几个） instances（例子，事例）, justices acted in ways that weakened（变弱） the court’s reputation（名誉） for being independent（独立，自主） and impartial（公平的）.
Justice Antonin Scalia, for example, appeared at political（政治上的） events. That kind of activity(活动，活性） makes it less likely that the court’s（法院） decisions（决定，决心） will be accepted as impartial（公平的） judgments. Part of the problem is that the justices are not bound（束缚，限制，范围） by an ethics（道德规范） code（代码，密码，法规，法典）. At the very least, the court should make itself subject（主题，科目，服从的，使…隶属） to the code of conduct（行为，品行，举动） that applies（申请，请求） to the rest of the federal（联邦的） judiciary(司法部）.This and other similar（相似的） cases（情况，事例，案件） raise the question of whether there is still a line between the court and politics.
The framers（创作者，制定者） of the Constitution（宪法） envisioned（想像，预想） law as having authority（权力） apart from politics. They gave justices（正义，公平，司法） permanent（永久的） positions（位置，地位） so they would be free to upset（使心烦，扰乱） those in power and have no need to cultivate（培养，陶冶，耕作） political（政治上的，政策的） support. Our legal（法律的，合法的） system was designed to set law apart from politics precisely（精确的，明确的） because they are so closely tied（tie的过去分词，系住的）.
Constitutional（组织的，立宪的，体制的） law is political because it results（结果，归结于，导致） from choices rooted（根，固定的） in fundamental（基本，原则，基本原理） social concepts（观念，概念） like liberty（自由，自主权） and property（财产，资产）. When the court deals with social policy（政策，方针） decisions（决定）, the law it shapes（形状，使成形） is inescapably（逃不掉的） political-which is why decisions split along ideological（观念学的，空论的） lines are so easily（容易的） dismissed（开除，解散，摒弃） as unjust(不公平的）.
The justices must address（演说，从事，忙于，演讲，致辞） doubts（怀疑） about the court’s legitimacy（合法，适当） by making themselves accountable（有责任的，有解释义务的，可解释的） to the code of conduct（行为，品行）. That would make rulings（判决） more likely to be seen as separate from politics and, as a result , convincing（使人信服的） as law.
Section II Reading Comprehension
Part A
Directions:
Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)
Text 1
Come on –Everybody’s doing it. That whispered message, half invitation（招待，邀请） and half forcing, is what most of us think of when we hear the words peer（与。。相等，与。。相比） pressure（压，压力）「同辈压力」. It usually leads to no good-drinking, drugs and casual（偶然的，不经意的） sex. But in her new book Join the Club, Tina Rosenberg contends（奋斗，斗争） that peer pressure can also be a positive（明确的，积极的） force through what she calls the social（社会的） cure（治愈）, in which organizations and officials use the power of group dynamics（动力学） to help individuals（个人，个体） improve their lives and possibly（可能的，也许） the word.
Rosenberg, the recipient（领受者，容纳者，容器） of a Pulitzer Prize, offers a host of example of the social cure in action（动作）: In South Carolina, a state-sponsored（国家支持的） antismoking（反对吸烟） program called Rage Against the Haze sets out to make cigarettes uncool. In South Africa, an HIV-prevention（防治） initiative（主动性） known as LoveLife recruits（新兵，新分子，新会员） young people to promote（促进，提升，发起） safe sex among their peers.
The idea seems promising（有希望的），and Rosenberg is a perceptive（知觉的，有理解力的） observer（观察者）. Her critique（批评，评论） of the lameness（跛，残废） of many pubic-health campaigns（战役，运动，活动） is spot-on: they fail to mobilize（动员，流动） peer pressure for healthy habits, and they demonstrate（示威，论证，示范） a seriously flawed（缺点） understanding of psychology.” Dare to be different, please don’t smoke!” pleads（辩护） one billboard（布告牌，广告牌） campaign aimed at reducing smoking among teenagers-teenagers, who desire（愿望，要求，请求） nothing more than fitting in. Rosenberg argues（争论） convincingly(信服的） that public-health advocates（鼓吹，主张） ought（责任，应该） to take a page from advertisers（广告，客户）, so skilled at applying peer pressure.
But on the general effectiveness of the social cure, Rosenberg is less persuasive（善说服的）. Join the Club is filled with too much irrelevant（不恰当的，不相干的） detail and not enough exploration（探险） of the social and biological factors that make peer pressure so powerful. The most glaring（闪耀的，炫目的） flaw（缺点） of the social cure as it’s presented（赠送，出席，提交） here is that it doesn’t work very well for very long. Rage Against the Haze failed once state funding（债务） was cut. Evidence（根据，证据，明显） that the LoveLife program produces lasting changes is limited and mixed.
There’s no doubt that our peer groups exert（发挥，运用，施以影响） enormous（巨大的） influence on our behavior. An emerging（出现的，发生的） body of research shows that positive（肯定的，确实的，明确的） health habits-as well as negative ones-spread through networks of friends via social communication. This is a subtle（敏感的;精细的;狡猾的） form of peer pressure: we unconsciously（无意识的） imitate（模仿） the behavior we see every day.
Far less certain, however, is how successfully experts（专家，能手，内行） and bureaucrats（官僚作风的人;官僚;官僚政治论者） can select our peer groups and steer（驾驶设备;行路指南;vt.引导;驾驶;航行;筹划;vi.驾驶;掌舵;行驶;被驾驶） their activities（活动，活性） in virtuous（有品德的，善良的） directions（方向）. It’s like the teacher who breaks up the troublemakers in the back row by pairing them with better-behaved classmates. The tactic（战略，策略） never really works. And that’s the problem with a social cure engineered from the outside: in the real world, as in school, we insist（坚持） on choosing our own friends.
Text 2
A deal is a deal-except, apparently（表面上，似乎） ,when Entergy is involved（涉及，参与）. The company, a major（专业） energy supplier（供应者） in New England, provoked（挑衅） justified（有道理的, 合乎情理的） outrage（.暴行;侮辱;愤怒;vt.凌辱;虐待;触犯） in Vermont（佛蒙特州） last week when it announced it was reneging（食言，否认，拒绝） on a longstanding（长时间的） commitment（委托;实行;承担义务;赞助） to abide（坚持，忍受，遵守） by the strict（严厉的） nuclear regulations（规则）.
Instead, the company has done precisely（精确地;明确地） what it had long promised it would not challenge the constitutionality（合宪） of Vermont’s rules in the federal（联邦） court, as part of a desperate（不顾死活的;危急的;令人绝望的;极渴望的） effort（努力，成就） to keep its Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant running. It’s a stunning（足以使人晕倒的;极好的） move.
The conflict（冲突，矛盾） has been surfacing（使成平面，铺面） since 2002, when the corporation(公司，企业） bought Vermont’s only nuclear power plant, an aging（老化） reactor（反应者，反应器） in Vernon. As a condition（条件，状况，调节） of receiving state（州;国;状态;情形;国家;政府;领土;国务;社会地位;a.国家的;正式的） approval（赞同，同意） for the sale, the company agreed to seek permission（准许，许可） from state regulators（调整者） to operate past 2012. In 2006, the state went a step further, requiring that any extension（伸长，扩张） of the plant’s license be subject（.主题;臣民;主语;题目;学科;受治疗者;原因;理由;自我;a.服从的;科目） to Vermont legislature’s（立法机关，立法院） approval. Then, too, the company went along.
Either Entergy never really intended（想要;打算;打算使…为;意指;意思是） to live by those commitments（委托;实行;承担义务;赞助）, or it simply didn’t foresee（预知，预见） what would happen next. A string of accidents, including the partial（偏袒的;不公平的;部分的;不完全的） collapse（崩溃，虚脱） of a cooling tower（塔，高楼） in 207 and the discovery of an underground pipe（管，管道） system leakage（漏，泄漏）, raised serious questions about both Vermont Yankee’s safety and Entergy’s management（管理）– especially after the company made misleading statements about the pipe. Enraged（激怒） by Entergy’s behavior, the Vermont Senate voted 26 to 4 last year against allowing an extension.
Now the company is suddenly claiming（要求，认领,主张） that the 2002 agreement is invalid（病人，残废的） because of the 2006 legislation（立法）, and that only the federal（联邦的） government has regulatory（取缔的，调整的） power over nuclear issues（发行，出版，问题）. The legal issues in the case are obscure（微暗的;难解的;含糊的;晦涩的;偏僻的;不著名的;vt.使阴暗;隐藏;使含糊）: whereas（然而） the Supreme Court has ruled that states do have some regulatory authority（权力） over nuclear power, legal scholars say that Vermont case will offer a precedent-setting（前例，先前的） test of how far those powers extend. Certainly, there are valid（有效的，正确的） concerns（关系，关心） about the patchwork（拼凑物） regulations（规章，制度） that could result if every state sets its own rules. But had Entergy kept its word, that debate（争论） would be beside the point.
The company seems to have concluded that its reputation（名誉，声誉） in Vermont is already so damaged（损坏） that it has noting left to lose by going to war with the state. But there should be consequences（结果）. Permission（准许） to run a nuclear plant is a poblic trust. Entergy runs 11 other reactors（反应器） in the United States, including Pilgrim Nuclear station in Plymouth. Pledging（保证） to run Pilgrim（旅行者;朝圣者;香客;vi.朝圣） safely, the company has applied for federal permission to keep it open for another 20 years. But as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) reviews（检讨;复习;回顾;考察;评论;vt.温习;检讨;评论;再检察;复审;vi.复习功课） the company’s application（申请;申请书;应用;用途;勤奋;勤勉）, it should keep it mind what promises from Entergy are worth.
Text 3
In the idealized（理想化的） version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed（观察，遵守） and collected（收集） by objective（目的，目标，客观的） researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous（暧昧的，不明确的） and complicated（使复杂的） route（路线）. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context（上下文，背景） of our unique life experience. Prior（院长，更重要的，较早的） knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent（随后的，后来的） actions（动作） we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation（误译，曲解）, error, and self-deception（欺谝，诡计） abound（丰富，大量存在）.
Consequently（因而，所以）, discovery claims（要求，认领，主张） should be thought of as protoscience（原始科学，传统科学). Similar to newly staked(桩;炮烙刑;木柱;赌注;奖金;vt.打桩;用桩撑;下赌注;资助;vi.打赌) mining(采矿） claims, they are full of potential（潜在性，可能性）. But it takes collective（团体，集体） scrutiny（细看，仔细察看） and acceptance（接受，同意） to transform（转换，改变） a discovery claim into a mature（成熟的，到期的，充分的） discovery. This is the credibility（可信用的，可靠的，确实性的） process（程序，进程，对。。起诉）, through which the individual（个人，个体） researcher’s me, here, now becomes the community’s（社会，社区） anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal（目标）, not the starting point.
Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual（有知识者,知识分子，智力的） credit（信誉）. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure(结构） of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication（发表，公布） process（进程）; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying（伴随） technology. As a discovery claim works it through the community, the interaction（相互作用，干扰) and confrontation(对审，面对面） between shared and competing（竞争） beliefs about the science and the technology involved（使更困难，混乱） transforms an individual’s discovery claim into the community’s credible（可信的） discovery.
Two paradoxes（似非而是的论点,自相矛盾的话） exist（存在,生存,生活,继续存在） throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing（流行很广，普通的） Knowledge that is viewed as incomplete（不完全的，不确定的） or incorrect（不正确的）. Little reward（报酬） accompanies(伴随） duplication（副本，复制） and confirmation（确认） of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly（令人惊讶的）, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing（使人信服的） will always be open to challenge and potential（潜在性，可能性） modification（修正，修改） or refutation（反驳） by future researchers. Second, novelty（新奇，新鲜） itself frequently provokes（挑衅） disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Azent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as “seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.” But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated（欣赏;鉴赏;正确评价;鉴别;感谢;感激）.
In the end, credibility（可信的） “happens” to a discovery claim – a process that corresponds（符合，一致） to what philosopher（哲学家） Annette Baier has described as the commons(公共的) of the mind. “We reason（n.理由;原因理智;理性;vi.推论;推理;vt.推论;推理;说服;评理;辩论;讨论） together, challenge, revise（校订，修正）, and complete each other’s reasoning and each other’s conceptions（观念，概念） of reason.”
Text 4
If the trade unionist(工会会员;工会主义者) Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent(表现;表示;描绘;讲述;声称;代表;象徵;扮演;回忆;再赠送) civil(公民的） servant（仆人，公务员）. When Hoffa’s Teamsters were in their prime（最佳部分，前期，初期） in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union; now 36% do. In 2009 the number of unionists in America’s public sector（部门，部分，扇形） passed that of their fellow members in the private（私人的，士兵） sector. In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized（统一，使入会）.
There are three reasons for the public-sector unions’ thriving（兴旺的）. First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences（结果，后果）. Second, they are mostly bright（明亮的，聪明的） and well-educated. A quarter of America’s public-sector workers have a university degree. Third, they now dominate（支配，占优势） left-of-centre politics（政治）. Some of their ties go back a long way. Britain’s Labor（劳动） Party, as its name implies（暗指，含有。。的意思）, has long been associated（联合的） with trade unionism. Its current leader, Ed Miliband, owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.
At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome（吓人的）. Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy（政策） Institute（学会，协会） of California points out that much of the state’s budget（预算） is patrolled（巡逻） by unions. The teachers’ unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons（监狱） and a variety（多种多样的） of labor groups on health care.
In many rich countries average wages（工资） in the state sector are higher than in the private（私人的） one. But the real gains（获得，利润） come in benefits and work practices. Politicians（政客） have repeatedly（反复的） “backloaded” public-sector pay deals, keeping the pay increases modest（谦逊的;羞怯的;端庄的;适度的） but adding to holidays and especially pensions（退休金;年金;抚恤金;膳宿学校;vt.发给退休金） that are already generous（大量的，慷慨的）.
Reform（改革） has been vigorously（有力的，精神旺盛r ） opposed(反对的，敌对的）, perhaps most egregiously（过分的，卓越的） in education, where charter（特许状;执照;宪章;vt.特许;发给特许执照） schools, academies（学会，研究院） and merit（优点，功绩） pay all faced drawn-out battles（战斗）. Even though there is plenty（许多，大量） of evidence（根据，证据） that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable（易变，变代性）, teachers’ unions have fought（fight过去式） against getting rid（摆脱，消灭） of bad ones and promoting（促进，提升） good ones.
As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians（政客） have begun to clamp（夹子,夹具,夹钳 vt.夹住,夹紧） down（压制）. In Wisconsin the unions have rallied（重振旗鼓;集合;示威运动;价格回稳;v.重整旗鼓;集合;恢复精神;团结） thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor（编制者）. But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.
John Donahue at Harvard’s Kennedy School points out that the norms（基准;模范;标准;智力水准;平均数） of culture in Western civil services suit those who want to stay put but is bad for high achievers（有成就的人）. The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches（客车，长途汽车，教练） and the president（总统） of the United States. Bankers’ fat pay packets have attracted much criticism（批评）, but a public-sector system that does not reward（报酬） high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.
Part B
Directions:
In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions 41-45, choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blanks（空白）. There are two extra（额外的） choices, which do not fit in any of the blanks. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET1.(10 points)
Think of those fleeting（飞逝的;疾驰的;短暂的） moments when you look out of an aeroplane（飞机） window and realise（vt. 实现, 认识到, 体会到, 了解, 认清, 使显得逼真, 变卖财产为现钱） that you are flying, higher than a bird. Now think of your laptop, thinner than a brown-paper envelope（n.信封;包裹物;封皮;封套;外壳;壳层;包迹;包线）, or your cellphone in the palm（手掌） of your hand. Take a moment or two to wonder at those marvels（奇异的事物）. You are the lucky inheritor（继承人） of a dream come true.
The second half of the 20th century saw a collection of geniuses, warriors（战士，勇士）, entrepreneurs（企业家） and visionaries（空想家，幻想的） labour（劳动） to create a fabulous（传说的，无根据的，难以置信的） machine that could function as a typewriter and printing press, studio（n.电影制片厂;画室;摄影室;播音室;音乐室;工作室——） and theatre（剧院）, paintbrush（画笔） and gallery（美术馆）, piano and radio, the mail as well as the mail carrier（搬运者，携带者）. (41)
The networked computer is an amazing device（设备，装置）, the first media machine that serves as the mode（模式，模态） of production, means of distribution（n.分发;销售;频率分布;分配装置;分布;区分;分类;配电）, site of reception（接待，招待会）, and place of praise and critique（批评）. The computer is the 21st century's culture machine.
But for all the reasons there are to celebrate（庆祝） the computer, we must also tread with caution（小心，慎重）. (42)I call it a secret war for two reasons. First, most people do not realise that there are strong commercial（n.广告节目;a.商业的;商用的;商品化的） agendas（议程，日常工作事项 at work to keep them in passive（被动的，消极的） consumption（消费） mode. Second, the majority of people who use networked computers to upload are not even aware（意识到，明白，知道） of the significance of what they are doing.
All animals download, but only a few upload. Beavers（n.海狸;水獭;勤奋工作的人） build dams（水坝，水阐) and birds make nests. Yet for the most part, the animal kingdom(王国，天国） moves through the world downloading. Humans are unique in their capacity（容量，能力，才能） to not only make tools but then turn around and use them to create superfluous material（材料） goods - paintings, sculpture（雕刻，雕塑） and architecture（建筑学） - and superfluous experiences - music, literature（文学）, religion（宗教，信仰） and philosophy（哲学）. (43)
For all the possibilities（可能性） of our new culture machines, most people are still stuck（[stick]n.棍;棒;刺;枯枝;茎;条状物;[美俚]大麻烟卷;vt.[stuck]插於;刺入;钉住;伸出;粘贴;使停止;vi.粘住） in download mode. Even after the advent（来到，来临） of widespread social media, a pyramid（角落，金字塔） of production remains, with a small number of people uploading material（材料，物资）, a slightly（瘦小的，轻微的） larger group commenting（批评，注解） on or modifying（修正，变更） that content（n.内容;满足;意义;要旨;a.满足的;满意的;意义的;vt.使…满足）, and a huge percentage（百分比） remaining content to just consume（消费）. (44)
Television is a one-way tap（n.轻打;水龙头;vt.轻打;轻敲;敲打出;选择;装上嘴子;使流出;开发;召集;分接） flowing（n.流程;流动;涨潮;流量;洋溢;泛滥;vi.流动;流泄;畅流;川流不息;飘扬） into our homes. The hardest task that television asks of anyone is to turn the power off after he has turned it on.
(45)
What counts as meaningful uploading? My definition（定义，确定） revolves（v.旋转;绕转;公转;循环;思考;细想;盘算） around the concept（概念，思想） of "stickiness" - creations and experiences to which others adhere（依附，粘着，坚持）.
[A] Of course, it is precisely（精确的，明确的） these superfluous things that define human culture and ultimately（归根结底，最终） what it is to be human. Downloading and consuming（消费） culture requires great skills, but failing to move beyond downloading is to strip（n.长条;条状;带;脱衣舞;vt.脱衣;被剥去;剥夺;拆卸;vi.脱衣服） oneself of a defining constituent（成分，选民，构成物） of humanity（人类，人性）.
[B] Applications like tumblr.com, which allow users to combine pictures, words and other media in creative ways and then share them, have the potential（潜在性，可能性） to add stickiness（粘性，胶粘） by amusing, entertaining（招待，款待） and enlightening（有启发作用的, 使人领悟的） others.
[C] Not only did they develop such a device but by the turn of the millennium（太平盛世，一千年） they had also managed to embed（嵌入） it in a worldwide system accessed（n.访问;通路;进入;使用权;发作） by billions of people every day.
[D] This is because the networked computer has sparked（ n.火花,火星,闪光,情郎,花花公子,活力,电信技师,瞬间放电 vi.闪烁,发火花,求婚 vt.发动,鼓舞,使有朝气,求婚） a secret war between downloading and uploading - between passive（消极的） consumption（消费） and active（活跃的，积极的） creation - whose outcome（结果，出品，演变） will shape（n.形状;形态;外形;定形;形式;身材;vt.定形;使成形;塑造;计划） our collective（n.团体;集体;集合名词;a.集体的;共同的） future in ways we can only begin to imagine.
[E] The challenge the computer mounts（n.乘用马;框;衬纸;山;vi.乘马;爬上;增长;vt.爬上;使上马;装上;装裱;安放） to television thus bears little similarity to one format being replaced by another in the manner（n.方式;态度;举止;风度;风格;礼貌;规矩;种类） of record（唱片） players being replaced by CD players.
[F] One reason for the persistence（n.坚持;持续;坚持不懈） of this pyramid（n.角锥;金字塔;v.(使)成金字塔状;(使)渐增;(使)上涨） of production is that for the past half-century, much of the world's media culture has been defined by a single medium - television - and television is defined by downloading.
[G]The networked computer offers the first chance in 50 years to reverse（n.相反;背面;倒退;挫折;失败;a.反面的;相反的;反向的;颠倒的;vt.颠倒;逆转） the flow, to encourage thoughtful downloading and, even more importantly, meaningful uploading.
Part C
Directions:
Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments（n.(片)段;部分;分节;v.分割;分裂） into Chinese. Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)
Since the days of Aristotle（亚里斯多德）, a search for universal principles（原则, 原理, 道义, 节操） has characterized（表现。。的特性） the scientific enterprise（企业，事业，进取心）. In some ways, this quest（探索，寻求，调查） for commonalities（公共，平民） defines science. Newton’s laws of motion（移动，手势，动作，请求） and Darwinian（达尔文的） evolution each bind（绑，约束力） a host of different phenomena（现象） into a single explicatory（解说，说明的） frame（框架，结构） work.
(46)In physics, one approach（n.方法;途径;靠近;临近;接近;vt.向…靠近;与…打交道;vi.靠近;临近） takes this impulse（冲动，驱使） for unification（统一，联合，一致） to its extreme（极度，最大限度）, and seeks a theory of everything—a single generative（生成的，生产的，生殖的） equation（相等） for all we see.It is becoming less clear, however, that such a theory would be a simplification（单一，单纯）, given the dimensions（尺寸，尺度，次元） and universes（宇宙） that it might entail（n.限定继承权;vt.使必需;使蒙受;使承担;遗传给）, nonetheless（虽然如此，但是）, unification of sorts（类别，种类） remains（保持，剩余） a major goal.
This tendency（倾向，趋势） in the natural sciences has long been evident（明显的，明白的） in the social sciences too. (47)Here, Darwinism seems to offer justification（辩护，释罪） for it all humans share common(平民） origins（起源） it seems reasonable（合理的，有道理的） to suppose（推想，猜想） that cultural diversity（差异，多样性） could also be traced（n.痕迹;踪迹;微量;迹线;缰绳;vt.追踪;回溯;描绘;vi.上溯;沿路走） to more constrained（被强迫的，不舒服的） beginnings. Just as the bewildering（令人困惑的，使人混乱的） variety（多种多样的） of human courtship（求爱，求婚） rituals（仪式，典礼） might all be considered forms of sexual selection, perhaps the world’s languages, music, social（社会的） and religious（n.修道士;出家人;a.宗教性的;虔诚的;宗教上的） customs（n.习惯;风俗;海关;自定义;v.定制） and even history are governed（统治，管理，支配） by universal features（n.特徵;特色;面部特徵;相貌;特写;特载;v.以…为特色;扮演重要角色）. (48)To filter out what is unique from what is shared might enable us to understand how complex cultural（a.教养的;修养的;教化的） behavior arose（引起，激起，出现） and what guides it in evolutionary or cognitive（认识的） terms（n.术语;名词;期限;学期;任期;限期;开庭期;条件;条款;价钱;关系;地位;项）.
That, at least, is the hope. But a comparative（匹敌者，比较的，相当的） study of linguistic（语言的，语言学的） traits（特色，品质） published online today supplies（n. 供应品, 日用必需品, 生活用品, (储备)物质, 存货, 补给品, 生活费用） a reality（真实，事实，本体） check. Russell Gray at the University of Auckland and his colleagues consider the evolution of grammars（文法，语言学,有关原理的书） in the light of two previous（早先） attempts（努力，试图，尝试） to find universality in language.
The most famous of these efforts（成就，努力） was initiated（开始，发动，发起） by Noam Chomsky, who suggested（建议，暗示，促成） that humans are born with an innate（先天的，天生的） language—acquisition（获得） capacity（容量，能力，才能） that dictates（命令，支配，口述，口授） a universal grammar. A few generative（a.生殖的;生产的;有生殖力的） rules are then sufficient（足够的，充足的） to unfold（展开，打开） the entire fundamental（基本原则，基本原理） structure（结构） of a language, which is why children can learn it so quickly.
(49)The second, by Joshua Greenberg, takes a more empirical（完全根据经验的，经验主义的） approach（n.方法;途径;靠近;临近;接近;vt.向…靠近;与…打交道;vi.靠近;临近） to universality identifying（识别，鉴别） traits（特色，品质） (particularly in word order) shared by many language which are considered to represent（表现，表示，描绘） biases（偏见，斜线） that result from cognitive（认知的，认识的） constraints（约束，强制，局促）
Gray and his colleagues have put them to the test by examining four family trees that between them represent（表现，表示，描绘） more than 2,000 languages.(50)Chomsky’s grammar（语言学） should show patterns（n.图案;模范;榜样;型;式样;样品;图样;vt.摹制;仿造;以图案装饰） of language change that are independent（n.中立派;无党派者;a.独立的;自主的;不须依赖的;不受约束的） of the family tree or the pathway（路） tracked（n.轨迹;足迹;路;轨道;磁轨;途径;vt.循路而行;追踪;通过;用纤拉;vi.追踪） through it. Whereas（然而，反之） Greenbergian universality predicts（预知，预言） strong co-dependencies between particular（n.细节;细目;详情;a.特别的;特殊的;详细的;挑剔的;苛求的） types of word-order relations. Neither of these patterns is borne（n.熊;[bear;bore;borne]vt.忍受;负荷;产生;怀有;使跌价;vi.忍受;结果实;压迫;开动;转向） out by the analysis, suggesting that the structures of the languages are lire age-specific（n.特效药;特性;a.特殊的;明确的;具有特效的;特定的;具体的） and not governed（vt.统治;管理;支配;决定;控制;抑制） by universals（宇宙的）
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