Unit 9B - Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating
Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating
An excerpt from Consuming Passions: The Anthropology of Eating
All animals feed but humans alone eat. A dog wolfs down every meal in the same way, but humans behave in a variety of ways while eating. In North American and European societies, for example, business negotiations are conducted over cocktails and lunch; seductions may begin with champagne and oysters; wedding and birthday parties center around an elaborately decorated cake; and gifts of food are part of the exchange at Christmas time. In simpler societies, eating is associated with initiation and burial rites, the roles of the sexes, economic transactions, hospitality, and dealings with the supernatural—virtually the entire spectrum of human activity. ...
In all societies, both simple and complex, eating is the primary way of initiating and maintaining human relationships. In fact, the English word "companion" is derived from French and Latin words that mean "one who eats bread with another." The Bantu of southern Africa regard exchanging food as the formation of what amounts to a temporary covenant between individuals—a "clanship of porridge," as they call it. For most Chinese, social transactions are almost inseparable from eating transactions. The giving and sharing of food is the prototypic relationship in Chinese society, as if the word were literally made flesh. Only a Chinese living alone and in abject poverty would sit down to a solitary meal. It is usual to eat with one's family or kin; when these are unavailable, people eat in teashops or at work rather than by themselves. No important business transaction and no marriage arrangement is ever concluded without the sharing of food. The quality of the meal and its setting convey a more subtle social message than anything that is consciously verbalized; attitudes that would be impolite if stated directly are communicated through the food channel.
Food and drink have such intense emotional significance that they are often linked with events that have nothing to do with nutrition. The perpetrators of the Boston Tea Party were angry not over tea but over taxation; the breadline and apple-sellers of the Great Depression became symbols of what was wrong with the economy. Guests at a dinner party usually leave a little food on the plate to let their hosts know they are full. A child who misbehaves is sent to bed without dinner, while obedience is rewarded with candy or ice cream. The simple fact of sitting down to eat together may convey important statements about a society. The civil-rights movement in the southern United States during the 1950s began as a dispute about the right of blacks not simply to eat at lunch counters but to sit down there with whites; blacks insisted on that right because in North American society people customarily sit down to eat only as equals.
Eating is intimately connected with sex roles, since the responsibility for each phase of obtaining and preparing a particular kind of food is almost always allotted according to sex. Members of one sex, generally the males, may be served first, and particular foods may be regarded as appropriate to each sex. Husbands and wives in some parts of Melanesia and Polynesia are not supposed to see each other eat; in Arabia, Japan, and parts of eastern Europe, women do not eat until the men in the family have finished their meals. In some societies, on the other hand, eating with the family is so traditional that workers are given long midday breaks so that they can go home for lunch. After World War II, hungry Greeks preferred to carry home the hot soup given them by the Red Cross and eat it there with their families rather than in the warm Red Cross canteens. At marriage celebrations in northern Europe during the Middle Ages, it was considered an important moment when the couple ate together—which is apparently the origin of the custom that prevails today in North America and in parts of Europe of watching the new bride and groom share the first slice of wedding cake.
Each society's culture is transmitted to children through eating with the family, a setting in which individual personalities develop, kinship obligations emerge, and the customs of the group are reinforced. Children learn at mealtimes to express a formal reverence for food through the custom of saying grace, as in what Christians know as the Lord's Prayer ("Give us this day our daily bread"), and they become acquainted with the regulations governing what their society considers edible. For many African children, this amounts to learning that a meal is not a meal unless it includes porridge. Europeans are brought up to feel much the same way about bread, and many North Americans genuinely believe that dinner is not really dinner without meat.
Finally, what is eaten establishes one's social, religious, and ethnic memberships. The coarse black bread that is the standard food of a European peasant is a function of social rank, and so is the meal of roast dog that was served to the Aztec noble. Who can mistake the status of a German who drinks Trockenberenauslese, a wine made from grapes so rare that finding enough to produce a single bottle is a day's work even for a skilled picker? The surest way of discovering a family's ethnic origins is to look into its kitchen. Long after dress, manners, and speech have become indistinguishable from those of the majority, the old food habits continue as the last traces of the previous culture. Taboos against certain foods mark one as believing in a particular religion: Moslems and Jews reject pork, Hindus beef, and some Protestant groups alcohol. Food customs as a badge of rank are particularly evident in India, where rules for each social group define both whom a person is permitted to marry and also with whom that person is permitted to eat; the interweaving of these prohibitions tends to keep young people in the same group as their parents.
With so much cultural importance attached to eating, it is no wonder that food to a large extent is what holds a society together. For example, the rice that is fundamental to the existence of the Malays of Southeast Asia is believed to possess an essential life force; so the ceremonials that mark every stage of life—from birth through coming of age, marriage, and death—involves a symbolic meal of rice. For a Malay, rice is synonymous with food, and its presence is what distinguishes a meal. The Malays' first food of the day, at what North Americans and Europeans think of as the breakfast meal, usually consists of a sort of cake and coffee. Malays regard this as a snack rather than as a meal, simply because no rice is eaten. People in modern societies as well have notions about what is appropriate food for each meal. A typical North American breakfast consists of fruit, cereal, and a milk product—but strawberry shortcake, which includes all three, is. considered inappropriate....
For all that we denigrate the magical beliefs connected with food in simpler societies, it should be remembered that some of us throw salt over a shoulder to ward off bad luck, or eat fish in the belief that it is superior brain food, or oysters with the hope of increasing sexual potency. All the major religions continue to attach symbolic meanings to food and drink (even though the Roman Catholic prohibition against eating meat on Friday has been lifted): the bread and wine of the Christian communion service, the taboo observed by Jews against mixing meat and dairy products at the same meal, and the reverence for the sacred cow in Hindu India. In the political sphere, injustice is dramatized by fasting, as practiced by Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr., among many others. And we continue to observe the rites of passage—birth, coming of age, marriage, and death—with food and drink.
参考译文——从饮食角度理解社会和文化
从饮食角度理解社会和文化
《消费激情——饮食人类学》摘录
所有的动物都吃东西，但只有人类懂得饮食。一只狗会以同样的方式狼吞虎咽地吃下每一顿饭，但是人类在用餐时的行为却是多种多样的。例如，在北美洲和欧洲社会，商业洽谈是通过鸡尾酒会和午餐会的形式进行的；种种诱惑都是以香槟酒和牡蛎开始的；婚礼和生日聚会上，人们会把一个制作精美的蛋糕放在正中央；圣诞节时，食物也被人们用作相互赠送的礼物。在比较简单的社会中，饮食和人们生与死的仪式、两性的角色、经济往来、待客风俗，以及人们对超自然现象的理解都有联系——事实上，饮食涉及人类活动的方方面面……
在所有不论简单还是复杂的社会中，饮食都是创造和维系人际关系的一个主要方法。实际上，英文单词“companion”源自法语和拉丁语，意思是“和别人一起吃面包的人”。非洲南部的班图人将交换食物看作人与人之间订立了等同于临时契约的协议——他们称之为“一起喝粥的同宗关系”。对多数中国人来说，社会交往与请客吃饭几乎是不可分割的。请吃饭或一同用餐是中国社会典型的社会关系，上文中提到的词义好像在这里得到了忠实的诠释与再现。只有那些离群索居、一贫如洗的人才可能孤独地一个人坐下来用餐。人们通常是和家人或亲戚一起吃；不能一起吃时，就在茶室或工作的地方吃，而不是自己一个人吃。没有任何一次重要的生意往来和婚约是在不共同用餐的情况下达成的。一顿正餐的质量和用餐环境比任何能够清楚地用言语表达的信息都更能传递出微妙的社会信息；那些如果直接表述会让人觉得失礼的意见也可以通过用餐这一渠道来传递。
饮食有着如此重要的情感意义，以至于它们经常和与营养毫不相关的事件联系在一起。波士顿倾茶事件中的反抗者不是和茶叶过不去，而是痛恨税收；大萧条时期等待分配救济食物的队伍和苹果商贩成为经济出现问题的象征。应邀参加晚宴的客人们通常要在餐盘中留下少量食物以示主人他们饱了。表现不好的小孩不能吃晚饭，被罚饿着肚子睡觉；表现好的乖孩子则会得到糖果或冰激凌作为奖励。坐下来一起用餐这么一件简单的事就可以表达对一个社会的重要观点。20世纪50年代，美国南部的人权运动就始于一场关于黑人权利的争论，争论的焦点在于黑人是否有权利不是只能在餐馆的长柜台上用餐，而是也可以和白人一样坐下来用餐；黑人坚持要得到这项权利，因为在北美洲社会中，通常只有完全平等的人才能坐下来一起吃饭。
饮食与两性角色有着密切的联系，因为在获得食物和准备某种特定食物的每个阶段，责任总是按性别分配的。某一种性别的家庭成员（通常是男性）可能是要先用餐的，而有一些食物被认为是对男女两性都适合的。在美拉尼西亚和波利尼西亚的部分地区，夫妻不应当看到彼此吃饭时的样子；在阿拉伯半岛、日本和东欧的一些地区，家庭男性成员都吃完饭后，女人们才吃饭。另一方面，在有些社会中，和家人一起吃饭已经成为惯例，因此工人们在工作日都有长长的午休时间，可以回家吃午饭。二战后，饥饿的希腊人宁可将红十字会分发的热汤带回家和家人一起吃，也不愿在红十字会温暖的食堂中享用。在中世纪北欧的婚礼上，夫妻二人共餐被认为是一个非常重要的时刻。显然，现如今在北美洲和欧洲部分地区盛行的观看一对新人分享第一块结婚蛋糕的风俗就是来源于此。
每个社会的文化都是在家庭共餐的时候传递给儿童的；在那个环境下，个体的性格得到发展，亲情责任感显现，群体习俗得到加强。儿童在用餐的时候学会通过饭前祷告来郑重地对食物表达敬意，就如同基督徒们熟知的主祷文（“感谢主赐给我们每天所需的面包”）中那样。他们还会逐渐熟悉社会公认的一些饮食规则。对很多非洲儿童来说，这意味着要明白没有稀饭的一餐算不上完整的一餐。欧洲孩子被培养得对面包有着同样的感觉，很多北美洲人确实认为晚饭不吃肉跟没吃晚饭一样。
最后，一个人所吃的食物可以用来确定其社会、宗教和种族身份。欧洲农夫日常食用的粗黑面包能够显示出其食用者的社会等级，而当烤狗肉大餐被阿兹特克贵族享用时情况也一样。谁会弄错一个喝特罗肯比勒瑙斯利泽酒（贵腐颗粒葡萄酒）的德国人的地位呢？制造这种酒的葡萄十分稀有，要找到能够酿造一瓶酒所需的葡萄甚至需要一个熟练的采摘工人工作一整天。判断一家人种族背景的最准确的方式是查看厨房。着装、礼节和谈吐在与主流社会混同很长时间之后，早已不是能够用来进行区别的标志了，可是从古老的饮食习惯中却一直可以找到原有文化的痕迹。从对某些食物的禁忌可以看出宗教信仰：穆斯林和犹太人不吃猪肉，印度教徒不吃牛肉，新教有些派别的教徒不喝酒。饮食作为等级标志在印度表现得尤为明显，在那里，各社会等级都有规矩，不仅限定结婚对象，还限定只能和哪些人同桌而食；这些禁律互相交织在一起，使得年轻人只能和他们的父辈属于同一个等级。
既然饮食有如此多重要的文化意义，那么食物在很大程度上能将一个社会凝聚起来的说法也就不足为奇了。例如，大米是东南亚地区马来人生存的基础，马来人认为它具有强大的生命力，所以每个标志着生命新阶段的典礼——出生，成年，结婚，死亡——都包含一顿具有象征性意义的米饭。在马来人看来，米饭就是食物的同义词，不吃它就不叫吃饭。马来人一天中首先吃的食物通常是一种蛋糕和咖啡，这在北美洲和欧洲人看来应该是早餐了；可马来人却把这看成点心而不是一顿饭，只是因为没有吃到米饭。在现代社会，人们也对一日三餐应该吃什么有自己的看法。一份典型的北美洲人的早餐包含水果、麦片和乳制品，但是含有这三种物质的草莓酥饼却被认为是不适合在早餐时吃的……
尽管我们贬低在比较简单的社会中人们把一些神秘的信念与食物联系在一起，但别忘了我们中有一些人仍然往肩膀上撒盐避邪，或者相信鱼能健脑而吃鱼，或者希望提高性能力而吃牡蛎。所有的主要宗教都仍然赋予饮食以象征意义（尽管罗马天主教星期五不许吃肉的禁令已被废除）：基督教圣餐仪式上的面包和酒，犹太人仍遵守的不许肉和乳制品一餐同食的禁忌，以及印度人对神牛的尊敬。在政治领域，遭遇不公正的待遇时通过禁食来进行抗争更引人瞩目，就像甘地和马丁·路德·金等许多人所做的那样。而且我们也仍然继续遵循用饮食来庆祝生命的种种仪式——出生，成年，结婚，死亡。
Key Words:
hospitality [.hɔspi'tæliti]
n. 好客，殷勤，酒店管理
burial ['beriəl]
n. 埋葬，葬礼，坟墓
spectrum ['spektrəm]
n. 光谱，范围，系列
exchange [iks'tʃeindʒ]
n. 交换，兑换，交易所
v. 交换，兑换，交
variety [və'raiəti]
n. 多样，种类，杂耍
supernatural [.sju:pə'nætʃərəl]
adj. 超自然的，神奇的
quality ['kwɔliti]
n. 品质，特质，才能
adj. 高品质的
companion [kəm'pænjən]
n. 同伴，同事，成对物品之一，(船的)甲板间扶梯(或扶
primary ['praiməri]
adj. 主要的，初期的，根本的，初等教育的
formation [fɔ:'meiʃən]
n. 构造，编队，形成，队形，[地]地层
temporary ['tempərəri]
adj. 暂时的，临时的
n. 临时工
covenant ['kʌvinənt]
n. 盟约，契约 v. 立书保证
consciously ['kɔnʃəsli]
adv. 有意识地，自觉地
convey [kən'vei]
vt. 传达，表达，运输，转移
setting ['setiŋ]
n. 安装，放置，周围，环境，(为诗等谱写的)乐曲
poverty ['pɔvəti]
n. 贫困，贫乏
emotional [i'məuʃənl]
adj. 感情的，情绪的
intense [in'tens]
adj. 强烈的，剧烈的，热烈的
nutrition [nju:'triʃən]
n. 营养
dispute [di'spju:t]
v. 争论，争议，辩驳，质疑
n. 争论，争吵
symbols ['simbəls]
n. 符号；象征；标志；符号表（symbol的复数）
candy ['kændi]
n. 糖果
vt. 用糖煮，使结晶为砂糖
depression [di'preʃən]
n. 沮丧，萧条
obedience [ə'bi:djəns]
n. 服从，顺从
movement ['mu:vmənt]
n. 活动，运动，移动，[音]乐章
convey [kən'vei]
vt. 传达，表达，运输，转移
appropriate [ə'prəupriət]
adj. 适当的，相称的
vt. 拨出(款项)
traditional [trə'diʃənəl]
adj. 传统的
groom [gru:m]
n. 马夫，新郎，男仆
vt. 刷洗，照看马，
particular [pə'tikjulə]
adj. 特殊的，特别的，特定的，挑剔的
slice [slais]
n. 薄片，切片
kinship ['kinʃip]
n. 血缘关系，亲属关系
emerge [i'mə:dʒ]
vi. 浮现，(由某种状态)脱出，(事实)显现出来
grace [greis]
n. 优美，优雅，恩惠
vt. 使荣耀，使优美
acquainted [ə'kweintid]
adj. 有知识的，熟悉的，了解的 动词acquaint
setting ['setiŋ]
n. 安装，放置，周围，环境，(为诗等谱写的)乐曲
prayer [prɛə]
n. 祈祷，祷告，祷文
v. 祷告，祷文
edible ['edibl]
n. 食品，食物
adj. 可食用的
reverence ['revərəns]
n. 敬畏，尊敬，尊严 v. 尊敬，敬畏，崇敬
coarse [kɔ:s]
adj. 粗糙的，非精制的，粗俗的
rank [ræŋk]
n. 等级，阶层，排，列
v. 分等级，排列，
previous ['pri:vjəs]
adj. 在 ... 之前，先，前，以前的
alcohol ['ælkəhɔl]
n. 酒精，乙醇，酒
status ['steitəs]
n. 地位，身份，情形，状况
kitchen ['kitʃin]
n. 厨房，(全套)炊具，灶间
majority [mə'dʒɔriti]
n. 多数，大多数，多数党，多数派
permitted
adj. 被允许的 v. 允许（permit的过去分词）
function ['fʌŋkʃən]
n. 功能，函数，职务，重大聚会
vi. 运行
define [di'fain]
v. 定义，解释，限定，规定
possess [pə'zes]
vt. 持有，支配
typical ['tipikəl]
adj. 典型的，有代表性的，特有的，独特的
appropriate [ə'prəupriət]
adj. 适当的，相称的
vt. 拨出(款项)
extent [iks'tent]
n. 广度，宽度，长度，大小，范围，范围，程度
inappropriate [.inə'prəupriit]
adj. 不适当的，不相称的
fundamental [.fʌndə'mentl]
adj. 基本的，根本的，重要的
n. 基本原
presence ['prezns]
n. 出席，到场，存在
n. 仪态，风度
synonymous [si'nɔniməs]
adj. 同义的
symbolic [sim'bɔlik]
n. 代号 adj. 象征的，符号的
cereal ['siəriəl]
n. 谷类食物，麦片
sacred ['seikrid]
adj. 神圣的，受尊重的
symbolic [sim'bɔlik]
n. 代号 adj. 象征的，符号的
attach [ə'tætʃ]
v. 附上，系上，贴上，使依恋
prohibition [.prəui'biʃən]
n. 禁止，禁令 Prohibition：禁酒
reverence ['revərəns]
n. 敬畏，尊敬，尊严 v. 尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 Reve
magical ['mædʒikəl]
adj. 魔术的，有魔力的，神奇的
superior [su:'piəriə]
n. 上级，高手，上标
adj. 上层的，上好
denigrate ['denigreit]
vt. 诋毁，贬低，诬蔑
cow [kau]
n. 母牛，母兽
vt. 恐吓
potency ['pəutənsi]
n. 效力，潜能，权势
参考资料：
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(1)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(2)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(3)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(4)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(5)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(6)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
- 现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(7)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
现代大学英语精读(第2版)第二册:U9B Understanding Society and Culture Through Eating(8)_大学教材听力 - 可可英语
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