Nonverbal communication in human interaction (I)

1. nonverbal: commonly used to describe all human communication events that transcend spoken or written words.
2. more appropriate to think of behaviors as existing on a continuum with some behaviors overlapping two continua.
3. we encode and decode nonverbal behaviors with varying degrees of awareness and control: 1) carefully planned responses, very much aware of what we are doing 2) responses occur more automatically, little conscious planning and awareness is associated with them.
4. research on nonverbal communication can be broken into three areas: 1) the communication environment (physical and spatial) 2) the communicator's physical characteristics 3) body movement and position (gestures, postures, touching, facial expressions, eye behaviors, vocal behavior)
5. The environment in which people communicate frequently contributes to the overall outcome of their encounters. Both the frequency and the content of our messages are influenced by various aspects of the setting in which we communicate.
6. In many aspects, we are products of our environment, and if we want to change behavior, we need to learn to control the environment in which we interact.
7. Different types of environments:

• by looking at emotional reactions to them
  arousing-nonarousing, pleasant- unpleasant, dominant-submissive.
• by examining environments
  formal-informal, warm-cold, private-public, familiar-unfamiliar, constraining-free, distant-close

1. Our perceptions and use of space contribute extensively to the various communication outcomes we seek.
2. Some of our spatial behavior is related to a need to stake out and maintain territory, and territorial behavior can he helpful in regulating social interaction and controlling density.
3. Three types of territories: 1) primary 2) secondary 3) public. Different levels of territorial behavior: 1) individual 2) group 3) community 4) nation
4. Each of us seeks a comfortable conversational distance that varies depending on age, sex, cultural and ethnic background, setting, attitudes, emotions, topics, physical characteristics, personality, and our relationship with the other person.
5. Seating arrangements in small groups: distance and seats chosen do not seem to be accidental. Leaders and dominant personalities tend to choose sepcific seats, but seating position also can determine a person's role in a group. Seating also varies with the topic at hand, the nature of the relationships among the parties, the certain personality variables.
6. Appearance and dress are part of the total nonverbal stimuli that influence interpersonal responses, and under some conditions, they are the primary determinants of such responses. Physical attractiveness may be influential in determining whether a person is sought out, and it may have a bearing on whether a person is able to persuade or manipulate others.
7. Although gestures are difficult to define, we often seem to know what movements a person is using to communicate and what movements are merely nervous mannerisms, expressions associated with emotion, and task-related movements.
8. Gestures help us communicate in many ways:

• replace speech when we cannot or do not want to talk
• help us regulate the back-and-forth flow of interaction
• establish and maintain attention
• add emphasis to our speech
• assist in making memorable the content of our speech

1. Gestures are more frequent when both interactants are visible to each other.
2. We use more gestures when we are knowledgeable about the topic being discussed, highly motivated to have our listeners understand our message, trying to dominate a conversation, excited and enthusiastic about the topic being discussed, and speaking about manual activities.
3. Gestures also play an important role in word retrieval and speech production.
4. The absence of gestures may negatively affect the speaker's message as well as a listener's comprehension.
5. Two types of gestures: 1) speech independent 2) speech related
6. The face is rich in communicative potential. It is a primary site for communication of emotional states, it reflects interpersonal attitudes, it provides nonverbal feedback on the comments of others. Some scholars say it is the primary source of communicative information next to human speech.
7. Faces are used to facilitate and inhibit responses in daily interaction.

• open and close channels of communication.
• complement or qualify verbal and/or nonverbal responses
• replace speech

1. A yawn may replace the spoken message "I am bored" and also may serve to shut down other channels of communication, such as eye contact.
2. When we want a speaking turn, we sometimes open our mouths in readiness to talk, which is often accompanied by an inspiration of breath. Others notice such signals and decide whether to ignore or respect them.
3. Smiles show emotions and attitudes, and also have many complex functions. Smiles serve as "listener responses" or "back channels" in conversation in that they signal attentiveness and involvement just as head nods. These smiles do not indicate joy or happiness in the sender, but are meaned to facilitate and encourage the other person's speech. These cues achieve channel control by keeping channels open.
4. Facial cues can combine with other cues to avoid confusion and magnify or qualify our messages.

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1. Visual contact occurs when we want to signal that the communication channel is open.
2. Eye gaze establishes a virtual obligation to interact.
3. When you seek visual contact with your server at a restaurant, you are essentially indicating that the communication channel is open and that you want to say something to him or her.
4. When an instructor asked the class a question, and you were sure you did not know the answer. Establishing eye contact with the instructor is the last thing you want to do.
5. Police use this knowledge to identify drivers who may be engaged in illegal activity because they consider drivers who avoid eye contact to be suspicious.
6. People routinely use gaze avoidance to prevent unwanted social interactions.
7. As long as we can avoid eye gaze in a seemingly natural way, it is much easier to avoid interaction.
8. When passing unknown others in a public place, we typically acknowledge them with a brief glance, but this initial glance is followed by the avoidance of gaze unless further contact is desired, or unless the other person signals a desire for further contact with us by gazing back or by smiling. The time it takes us to look away from another person might vary as a function of a number of factors, such as the person's attractiveness and emotional state.
9. The length of a gaze that exceeds this acknowledgement glance is likely to signal a desire to initiate a conversation.
10. Violation of this civil inattention norm can produce negative feelings in the recipients.
11. When you want to disavow social contact, your eye gaze will likely diminish.
12. We see mutual gazing in greeting sequences and greatly diminished gazing when we wish to bring an encounter to an end.
13. Within a conversation, gazing at the other can command a nonverbal, as well as verbal, response. Because speakers gaze less than listeners, it is the speaker's gazing that determines moments of mutual looking.
    During these moments, it is highly likely that the listener will respond with a listener response, also called a back-channel response, that signifies attention. These responses can include smiles, and other facial expressions, sound such as "mm-hmm", and head nods. The speaker's behavior is an important determinant of the timing of these responses.
14. In addition to opening and closing the channel of communication and commanding responses from the other, eye behavior also regulates the flow of communication by providing turn-taking signals.
15. Speakers generally look less often than listeners. But speakers do seem to glance during grammatical breaks, at the end of a thought unit or idea, and at the end of the utterance. Although glances at these junctures can signal the other person to assume the speaking role, we also use these glances to obtain feedback, to see how we are being received, and to see if the other will let us continue.
    
16. As the speaker comes to the end of an utterance or thought unit, eye gaze toward the listener will continue as the listener assumes the speaking role; the listener will maintain gaze until the speaking role is assumed, when he or she will look away.
17. Research on naturally emerging and appointed leaders in three-person male groups has found that the leader controls the flow of conversation using this cue pattern: the leader shows an increased tendency to engage in prolonged gaze at someone when he is done with a speaking turn, as if inviting, or possibly instructing, that person to take the floor. Thus, male leaders do not only keep the floor for themselves more than others, they also orchestrate who gets the floor and when.
18. A speaker’s gaze at the completion of an utterance may help signal the yielding of a speaking turn, but listener-directed gazes do not always accompany the smooth exchange of speaking turns (Beattie, 1978; Rutter, Stephenson, & White, 1978). For instance, even though the speaker glances at the listener when yielding a speaking turn, the listener delays a response or fails to respond. Further, when a speaker begins an anticipated lengthy response, he or she is likely to delay gazing at the other beyond what would normally be expected. This pattern of adult gazing and looking away during speech seems to have its roots in early childhood develop- ment. Observations of the gazing patterns of 3- to 4-month-old infants and their parents revealed temporal similarities between their looking-at and looking-away sequence and the vocalizing and pausing sequences in adult conversations (Jaffe, Stern, & Peery, 1973).
19. Finally, we can use our gaze to signal the presence of socially meaningful infor- mation in the interaction environment to another person, such as a friend. If you notice the sudden appearance of a stranger, a quick glance at him or her can cue your friend to look that way. The mutual acknowledgment of the stranger might prompt a change in the topic of discussion, especially if it is of a private, sensitive nature. Or the communication might come to a close altogether if the possible threat in the environment is sufficient to warrant evasive action. Your use of gaze here should help your friend (or whomever you are talking with) more quickly notice looked-at information in the environment than information located in other places (i.e., those areas that you are not gazing at), something referred to as the gaze-cuing effect. The gaze-cuing effect has been observed not only in humans but in a number of species, and is not limited to the assessment of environmental threats (Brauer, Call, & Tomasello, 2005; Frischen, Bayliss, & Tipper, 2007).
20. It appears that the gaze-cuing effect can be influenced by characteristics of the gazer, perceiver of the gaze, and contextual factors. For example, females show quicker cue-gazing responses than do males, and more dominant-looking female faces seem to elicit greater cue-gazing effects (in this case, being quicker to identify a letter in the location looked at by the face that preceded it than by the face that did not look in that direction) among female observers (Alwall, Johansson, & Hansen, 2010; Jones, Main, Little, & DeBruine, 2011). Seeing two people look at— but not away from—each other before they both look in one direction leads to the gaze-cuing effect (Böckler, Knoblich, & Sebanz, 2011). Lastly, whether we look where the gazer has looked may depend on the match between the gazer’s facial expression and what we are searching for in the environment. Kuhn and Tipples (2011) found that participants who were looking for a threatening target were more likely to follow the gaze of a fearful face than a happy one.
21. Listener facial expressions and gazing suggest not only attention but also whether the listener is interested in what is being said. Being seen is a profound form of social acknowledgment, and its lack—the experi- ence of having others “look right through you”—undermines a person’s very exis- tence as a social being. The averted gaze of another can lead to feelings of being ostracized (Wirth, Sacco, Hugenberg, & Williams, 2010).
22. A child on a playground who demands to be watched by his or her parent while doing feats on the jungle gym is not simply asking for added safety or security. Far more importantly, the parent’s gaze infuses meaning into the child’s actions. Without a witness, the actions feel pointless or even unreal.
23. People in low-status service occupations, such as janitors and hotel maids, often feel that a lack of visual acknowledgment by the people they serve is dehumanizing.
24. On the other hand, under some circumstances being seen—especially in the sense of being watched—can feel like a violation of privacy and can be very uncomfortable, especially when one cannot look back at the person watching.
25. Effective monitoring via gaze may have important practical consequences. In studies of physician–patient interaction, those physicians who engaged in more patient-directed gaze were more accurate at recognizing the patients’ degree of psychosocial distress (Bensing, Kerssens, & van der Pasch, 1995), and a relation between engaging in more patient-directed gaze and obtaining more psychosocial information from the patient has been reported by van Dulmen, Verhaak, and Bilo (1997).
26. Monitoring others’ reactions during group discussions is crucial to planning responsive statements and maintaining group harmony and morale.
27. Crosby, Monin, and Richardson (2008) showed that when a white member of a group made an offensive statement about blacks, visual attention was shifted to the black member of the group, but only when listeners thought he could hear the offensive remark. Presumably, group members wanted to know how the affected person reacted before deciding how to respond themselves. Effective monitoring of group members via gaze has been shown to be higher in women than men: Women spread their gaze more evenly around a group than men do (Koch, Baehne, Kruse, Zimmermann, & Zumbach, 2008).

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