(科目代码:201)
Section I Use of English
Directions:
Read the following text. Choose the best words for each numbered blank and mark A,B,C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1.(10 points)
Research on animal intelligence always makes us wonder just how smart humans are. 1 the fruit-fly experiments described by Carl Zimmer in the Science Times. Fruit flies who were taught to be smarter that the average fruit fly 2 to live shorter lives. This suggests that 3 bulbs burn longer, that there is a(n) 4 in not being too bright.
Intelligence, it 5 , is a high-priced option. It takes more upkeep, burns more fuel and is slow 6 the starting line because it depends on learning------a(n) 7 process------instead of instinct. Plenty of other species are able to learn, and one of the things they've apparently learned is when to 8 .
Is there an adaptive value to 9 intelligence? That's the question behind this new research. Instead of casting a wistful glance 10 at all the species we've left in the dust I.Q. -wise, it implicitly asks what the real 11 of our own intelligence might be. This is 12 the mind of every animal we've ever met.
Research on animal intelligence also makes us wonder what experiments animals would 13 on humans if they had the chance. Every cat with an owner, 14 , is running a small-scale study in operant conditioning. We believe that 15 animals ran the labs, they would test us to 16 the limits of our patience, our faithfulness, our memory for locations. They would try to decide what intelligence in humans is really 17 , not merely how much of it there is. 18 , they would hope to study a(n) 19 question: Are humans actually aware of the world they live in? 20 the results are inconclusive.
1. [A] Suppose [B] Consider [C] Observe [D] Imagine
2. [A] tended [B] feared [C] happened [D] threatened
3. [A] thinner [B] stabler [C] lighter [D] dimmer
4. [A] tendency [B] advantage [C] inclination [D] priority
5. [A] insists on [B] sums up [C] turns out [D] puts forward
6. [A] off [B] behind [C] over [D] along
7. [A] incredible [B] spontaneous [C] inevitable [D] gradual
8. [A] fight [B] doubt [C] stop [D] think
9. [A] invisible [B] limited [C] indefinite [D] different
10. [A] upward [B] forward [C] afterward [D] backward
11. [A] features [B] influences [C] results [D] costs
12. [A] outside [B] on [C] by [D] across
13. [A] deliver [B] carry [C] perform [D] apply
14. [A] by chance [B] in contrast [C] as usual [D] for instance
15. [A] if [B] unless [C] as [D] lest
16. [A] moderate [B] overcome [C] determine [D] reach
17. [A] at [B] for [C] after [D] with
18. [A] Above all [B] After all [C] However [D] Otherwise
19. [A] fundamental [B] comprehensive [C] equivalent [D] hostile
20. [A] By accident [B] In time [C] So far [D] Better still
答案:
1-5 BADBC 6-10 ADCBD
11-15 DBCDA 16-20 CBAAC
翻译:
对动物智能的研究总是让我们想知道人类到底有多聪明。想想卡尔·齐默在《科学时报》上描述的果蝇实验。被教导要比一般果蝇聪明的果蝇往往寿命较短。这表明调暗的灯泡燃烧的时间更长,不太聪明(明亮)是有好处的。
事实证明,智力是一个昂贵的选择。它需要更多的维护,消耗更多的燃料,离开起跑线很慢,因为它依赖学习------一个渐进的过程------而不是本能。许多其他物种都有学习的能力,它们显然已经学会了什么时候停止。
对有限的智力有适应性价值吗?这就是这项新研究背后的问题。它没有留恋地回头看那些在智商方面被我们远远抛在身后的物种,而是含蓄地问我们自己智力的真正代价可能是什么。这是我们所见过的所有动物的想法。
对动物智能的研究也让我们想知道,如果动物有机会,它们会在人类身上做什么实验。例如,每一只有主人的猫都在进行一项操作性条件反射的小规模研究。我们相信,如果动物来管理实验室,它们会测试我们的耐心、忠诚和对位置的记忆的极限。他们将试图决定人类的智力到底是用来做什么的,而不仅仅是有多少。最重要的是,他们希望研究一个基本问题:人类真的意识到他们生活的世界吗?到目前为止,结果还不确定。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
dim | 英 [dɪm] 美 [dɪm] |
[ 复数 dims 第三人称单数 dims 现在分词 dimming 过去式 dimmed 过去分词 dimmed 比较级 dimmer 最高级 dimmest ] |
bulbs | 英 [bʌlbz] 美 [bʌlbz] | n. [电] 灯泡;[植] 鳞茎;大浇斗(bulb的复数) |
tendency | 英 [ˈtendənsi] 美 [ˈtendənsi] |
[ 复数 tendencies ] |
inclination | 英 [ˌɪnklɪˈneɪʃn] 美 [ˌɪnklɪˈneɪʃn] |
[ 复数 inclinations ] |
priority | 英 [praɪˈɒrəti] 美 [praɪˈɔːrəti] | n. 优先;优先权;[数] 优先次序;优先考虑的事 |
upkeep | 英 [ˈʌpkiːp] 美 [ˈʌpkiːp] | n. 维持;维修费;保养 |
instinct | 英 [ˈɪnstɪŋkt] 美 [ˈɪnstɪŋkt] |
[ 复数 instincts ] |
casting | 英 [ˈkɑːstɪŋ] 美 [ˈkæstɪŋ] |
[ 复数 castings ] |
wistful glance | 忧郁的眼神 | |
wistful | 英 [ˈwɪstfl] 美 [ˈwɪstfl] | adj. 渴望的;沉思的,默想的;引起怀念的;不满足似的 |
implicitly | 英 [ɪmˈplɪsɪtli] 美 [ɪmˈplɪsɪtli] | adv. 含蓄地;暗中地 |
incredible | 英 [ɪnˈkredəbl] 美 [ɪnˈkredəbl] |
[ 比较级 more incredible 最高级 most incredible ] |
spontaneous | 英 [spɒnˈteɪniəs] 美 [spɑːnˈteɪniəs] | adj. 自发的;自然的;无意识的 |
inevitable | 英 [ɪnˈevɪtəbl] 美 [ɪnˈevɪtəbl] | adj. 必然的,不可避免的 |
afterwards | 英 [ˈɑːftəwədz] 美 [ˈæftərwərdz] | adv. 后来;然后 |
forward | 英 [ˈfɔːwəd] 美 [ˈfɔːrwərd] |
[ 复数 forwards 第三人称单数 forwards 现在分词 forwarding 过去式 forwarded 过去分词 forwarded ] |
upward | 英 [ˈʌpwəd] 美 [ˈʌpwərd] |
|
backward | 英 [ˈbækwəd] 美 [ˈbækwərd] |
|
indefinite | 英 [ɪnˈdefɪnət] 美 [ɪnˈdefɪnət] | adj. 不确定的;无限的;模糊的 |
adaptive | 英 [əˈdæptɪv] 美 [əˈdæptɪv] | adj. 适应的,适合的 |
delivery | 英 [dɪˈlɪvəri] 美 [dɪˈlɪvəri] |
[ 复数 deliveries ] |
carry on |
| |
perform on | 表演;上演;演奏 | |
not merely | 不只是 | |
equivalent | 英 [ɪˈkwɪvələnt] 美 [ɪˈkwɪvələnt] |
[ 复数 equivalents ] |
hostile | 英 [ˈhɒstaɪl] 美 [ˈhɑːstl,ˈhɑːstaɪl] |
[ 比较级 more hostile 最高级 most hostile ] |
comprehensive | 英 [ˌkɒmprɪˈhensɪv] 美 [ˌkɑːmprɪˈhensɪv] |
[ 复数 comprehensives 比较级 more comprehensive 最高级 most comprehensive ] |
inconclusive | 英 [ˌɪnkənˈkluːsɪv] 美 [ˌɪnkənˈkluːsɪv] | adj. 不确定的;非决定性的;无结果的 |
above all | 最重要的是 | |
fundamental | 英 [ˌfʌndəˈmentl] 美 [ˌfʌndəˈmentl] |
[ 复数 fundamentals 比较级 more fundamental 最高级 most fundamental ] |
operant | 英 [ˈɒpərənt] 美 [ˈɑːpərənt] |
|
Section II Reading Comprehension
Part A
Direction:
Read teh following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)
Text 1
Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on autopilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. "Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd,“ Willian Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the ever-changing 21st century, even the word "habit" carries a negative implication.
So it seems paradoxical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks.
Rather than dismissing ourselves as unchangeable creatures of habit, we can instead direct our own change by consciously developing new habits. In fact, the more new things we try------ the more we step outside our comfort zone------the more inherently creative we become, both in the workplace and in our personal lives.
But don't bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the brain, they're there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately press into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.
"The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder," says Dawna Markova, author of The Open Mind. "But we are taught instead to 'decide', just as our president calls himself 'the Decider.'" She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thingker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”
All of us work through problems in ways of which we're unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960s discovered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally(or collaboratively) and innovatively. At the end of adolescence, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.
The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. "This breaks the major rule in the American belief system------that anyone can do anything," explains M.J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book This year I Will... and Ms. Markova's business partner. "That's a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what you're good at and doing even more of it creates excellence." This is where developing new habits comes in.
21. In Wordworth's view, "habits" is characterized by being ?
[A] casual
[B] familiar
[C] mechanical
[D] changeable
22. Brain researchers have discovered that the formation of new habits can be ?
[A] predicted
[B] regulated
[C] traced
[D] guided
23. The word "ruts"(Line 1, para. 4) is closest in meaning to ?
[A] tracks
[B] series
[C] characteristics
[D] connections
24. Dawna Markova would most probably agree that ?
[A] ideas are born of a relaxing mind
[B] innovatioveness could be taught
[C] decisiveness derives from fantastic ideas
[D] curiosty activates creative minds
25. Ryan's comments suggest that the practice of standardized testing ?
[A] prevents new habits from being formed.
[B] no longer emphasizes commonness
[C] maintains the inherent American thinking mode
[D] complies with the American belief system
21-25 CDADA
翻译:
习惯是一件有趣的事情。我们无意识地接触它们,让我们的大脑处于自动驾驶状态,放松到熟悉的日常生活中无意识的舒适。威廉·华兹华斯在19世纪曾说过:“不是选择,而是习惯支配着那些没有思想的人。”在千变万化的21世纪,连“习惯”这个词都带有贬义。
因此,在创造力和创新的背景下谈论习惯似乎是矛盾的。但大脑研究人员发现,当我们有意识地养成新的习惯时,我们创造了平行的路径,甚至是全新的脑细胞,可以让我们的思维列车(训练)跳到新的、创新的轨道上。
我们可以有意识地培养新的习惯,引导自己的改变,而不是轻视自己是习惯的不可改变的生物。事实上,我们尝试的新事物越多------我们越能走出自己的舒适区------我们在工作和个人生活中就会变得越有创造力。
但是,不要费心去改掉旧习惯;一旦这些程序性的惯例进入大脑,它们就会留在那里。相反,我们故意强加给自己的新习惯会创造出平行的路径,绕过那些旧的路径。
“创新首先需要的是对奇迹的迷恋,”《开放的思想》(The Open Mind)一书的作者多纳·马尔科娃(Dawna Markova)说。“但我们被教导要‘决定’,就像我们的总统称自己为‘决策者’一样。然而,她补充说,“做出决定就等于排除了所有的可能性,只有一个除外。”一个善于创新的人总是在探索许多其他可能性。”
她说,我们所有人都在用自己没有意识到的方式解决问题。上世纪60年代末,研究人员发现,人类生来就有能力以四种主要方式应对挑战:分析、程序、关系(或合作)和创新。然而,在青春期结束时,大脑关闭了一半的能力,只保留了那些在生命的头十年左右似乎最有价值的思维模式。
目前对标准化测试的强调强调了分析和程序,这意味着我们中很少有人天生使用我们的创新和协作思维模式。“这打破了美国信仰体系------的主要规则,即任何人都可以做任何事,”M.J.瑞安解释道,他是2006年出版的《今年我将……》一书的作者。也是Markova女士的商业伙伴。“这是一个我们一直在延续的谎言,它助长了普通。知道自己擅长什么,并做得更多,才能创造卓越。”这就是培养新习惯的时候了。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
mindlessly | 英 [ˈmaɪndləsli] 美 [ˈmaɪndləsli] | adv. 不费心思地;愚蠢地 |
autopilot | 英 [ˈɔːtəʊpaɪlət] 美 [ˈɔːtoʊpaɪlət] |
[ 复数 autopilots ] |
routine | 英 [ruːˈtiːn] 美 [ruːˈtiːn] |
[ 复数 routines 比较级 more routine 最高级 most routine ] |
unreflecting | 英 [ˌʌnrɪˈflektɪŋ] 美 [ˌʌnrɪˈflektɪŋ] | adj. 不反射的;不反省的;浅薄的;无思想的 |
herd | 英 [hɜːd] 美 [hɜːrd] |
[ 复数 herds 第三人称单数 herds 现在分词 herding 过去式 herded 过去分词 herded ] |
unreflecting herd | 无思想的人 | |
implication | 英 [ˌɪmplɪˈkeɪʃn] 美 [ˌɪmplɪˈkeɪʃn] |
[ 复数 implications ] |
negative | 英 [ˈneɡətɪv] 美 [ˈneɡətɪv] |
[ 复数 negatives 第三人称单数 negatives 现在分词 negativing 过去式 negatived 过去分词 negatived 比较级 more negative 最高级 most negative ] |
paradoxical | 英 [ˌpærəˈdɒksɪkl] 美 [ˌpærəˈdɑːksɪkl] | adj. 矛盾的;诡论的;似非而是的 |
innovation | 英 [ˌɪnəˈveɪʃn] 美 [ˌɪnəˈveɪʃn] |
[ 复数 innovations ] |
dismiss | 英 [dɪsˈmɪs] 美 [dɪsˈmɪs] |
[ 第三人称单数 dismisses 现在分词 dismissing 过去式 dismissed 过去分词 dismissed ] |
dismiss ... as ... |
| |
inherently | 英 [ɪnˈherəntli; ɪnˈhɪərəntli] 美 [ɪnˈherəntli,ɪnˈhɪrəntli] | adv. 内在地;固有地;天性地 |
procedure | 英 [prəˈsiːdʒə(r)] 美 [prəˈsiːdʒər] |
[ 复数 procedures ] |
rut | 英 [rʌt] 美 [rʌt] |
[ 复数 ruts 第三人称单数 ruts 现在分词 rutting 过去式 rutted 过去分词 rutted ] |
worn | wear 的过去式 | |
deliberately | 英 [dɪˈlɪbərətli] 美 [dɪˈlɪbərətli] | adv. 故意地;缓慢而谨慎地 |
adolescence | 英 [ˌædəˈlesns] 美 [ˌædəˈlesns] | n. 青春期 |
preserving | 美 [prɪ'zɜːrv] | n. 保留,保存 |
emphasis | 英 [ˈemfəsɪs] 美 [ˈemfəsɪs] |
[ 复数 emphases ] |
standardized |
| |
highlights | 英 [ˈhaɪlaɪts] 美 [ˈhaɪlaɪts] |
|
collaborative | 英 [kəˈlæbərətɪv] 美 [kəˈlæbəreɪtɪv] | adj. 合作的,协作的 |
perpetuate | 英 [pəˈpetʃueɪt] 美 [pərˈpetʃueɪt] |
[ 第三人称单数 perpetuates 现在分词 perpetuating 过去式 perpetuated 过去分词 perpetuated ] |
fosters | v. 培养,促进;代养,照料(他人子女一段时间)(foster 的第三人称单数) | |
commonness | 英 [ˈkɒmənnəs] 美 [ˈkɑːmənnəs] | n. 共性;平凡 |
casual | 英 [ˈkæʒuəl] 美 [ˈkæʒuəl] |
[ 复数 casuals 比较级 more casual 最高级 most casual ] |
mechanical | 英 [məˈkænɪkl] 美 [məˈkænɪkl] | adj. 机械的;力学的;呆板的;无意识的;手工操作的 |
formation | 英 [fɔːˈmeɪʃn] 美 [fɔːrˈmeɪʃn] |
[ 复数 formations ] |
regulated | [ˈreɡjuleɪtɪd; ˈreɡjəleɪtɪd] | v. 约束;调节;校准(regulate 的过去式及过去分词) |
derives | 美 [dɪˈraɪvz] |
|
Text 2
It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal(fatherly)wisdom------or at least confirm that he's the kid's dad. All he needs to do is shell out $30 for a paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore------and another $120 to get the results.
More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first became available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fogg, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the over-the-counter kits. More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests directly to the public, ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $2,500.
Among the most popular: paternity and kinship testing, which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and families can use to track down kids put up for adoption. DNA testing is also the latest rage among passionate genealogists------and supports businesses that offer to search for a family's geographic roots.
Most tests require collecting cells by swabbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA.
But some observers are skeptical, "There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing," says Troy Duster, a New York University sociologist. He notes that each individual has many ancestors------numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father's line or mitochondrial DNA, which is passed down only from mothers. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other great-grandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.
Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies don't rely on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may have a lot of data from some regions and not others, so a person's test results may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.
26. In Paragraphs 1 and 2, the text shows PTKs ?
[A] easy availability.
[B] flexibility in pricing.
[C] successful promotion.
[D] popularity with households.
27. PTK is used to ?
[A] locate one's birth place.
[B] promote genetic research.
[C] identify parent-child kinship.
[D] choose children for adoption.
28. Skeptical observers believe that ancestry testing fails to ?
[A] tracc distant ancestors
[B] rebuild reliable bloodlines
[C] fully use genetic information
[D] achieve the claimed accuracy
29. In the last paragraph, a problem commercial genetic testing faces is ?
[A] disorganized data collection.
[B] overlapping database building
[C] excessive sample comparision
[D] lack of patent evaluation
30. An appropriate title for the text is most likely to be?
[A] Fors and Againsts of DNA Testing
[B] DNA Testing and Its Problems
[C] DNA Testing Outside the Lab
[D] Lies Behind DNA Testing
26-30 BCDA
翻译:
聪明的父亲了解自己的孩子,但是今天,男人可以提升自己的父亲智慧------,或者至少确认自己是孩子的亲生父亲。他所需要做的就是花30美元在当地的药店------买一个亲子鉴定试剂盒(PTK),再花120美元得到结果。
据Identigene公司的首席运营官道格•福格(Doug Fogg)称,自去年ptk首次在无处方的情况下上市以来,已有超过6万人购买了这种非处方药。20多家公司直接向公众出售DNA检测,价格从几百美元到2500美元以上不等。
其中最受欢迎的是:亲子关系和亲属关系测试,被收养的孩子可以用它来找到他们的血缘亲属,家庭可以用它来追踪被收养的孩子。DNA测试也是最近在热情的系谱学家中流行的一种方法------并支持提供寻找家族地理根源的业务。
大多数测试需要从口腔唾液中采集细胞,并将其送到公司进行测试。所有的测试都需要一个潜在的候选人来进行DNA比对。
但一些观察人士对此表示怀疑,纽约大学的社会学家特洛伊·达斯特说:“有些人声称他们在做血统测试,这是一种虚假的准确性。” 他指出,就在几个世纪前,每个人都有数百个祖先。然而,大多数血统检测只考虑单一的血统,要么是男性继承的Y染色体,要么是只从母亲遗传的线粒体DNA。这种DNA只能揭示一个或两个祖先的遗传信息,例如,仅仅三代以前的人就有六个曾祖父母,或者四代以前的人就有十四个曾曾祖父母。
批评者还认为,商业基因检测的好坏取决于与样本进行比较的参考样本。一些公司使用的数据库并不依赖于系统收集的数据,而是将来自不同研究项目的信息混为一谈。这意味着DNA数据库可能有来自某些地区的大量数据,而不是来自其他地区,因此一个人的测试结果可能会因处理结果的公司而不同。此外,公司用来评估人际关系的计算机程序可能是专利的,不受同行评审或外部评估的影响。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
boost | 英 [buːst] 美 [buːst] |
[ 复数 boosts 第三人称单数 boosts 现在分词 boosting 过去式 boosted 过去分词 boosted ] |
paternal | 英 [pəˈtɜːnl] 美 [pəˈtɜːrnl] | adj. 父亲的;得自父亲的;父亲般的 |
paternity | 英 [pəˈtɜːnəti] 美 [pəˈtɜːrnəti] | n. 父权;父系;父系后裔 |
prescriptions | 美 [prɪ'skrɪpʃən] | n. 医药处方,[医] 药方(prescription复数形式) |
Identigene | (一公司名称)“基因识别” | |
purchased | 英 ['pə:tʃəst] 美 ['pə:tʃəst] |
|
over-the-counter | adj. 场外交易的,非挂牌的;非处方的 | |
kinship | 英 [ˈkɪnʃɪp] 美 [ˈkɪnʃɪp] | n. [法] 亲属关系,家属关系;亲密关系 |
track down | track down (对…)追查到底;跟踪找到;追寻; 找到,发现;查出; 追捕(查)到底; 追捕到底; 追踪到.. | |
put up | 提供;建造;举起;提高;推举,提名;供给…住宿;直接行动 | |
rage | 英 [reɪdʒ] 美 [reɪdʒ] |
[ 复数 rages 第三人称单数 rages 现在分词 raging 过去式 raged 过去分词 raged |
passionate | 英 [ˈpæʃənət] 美 [ˈpæʃənət] |
[ 比较级 more passionate 最高级 most passionate ] |
genealogist | 英 [ˌdʒiːniˈælədʒɪst] 美 [ˌdʒiːniˈælədʒɪst] | n. 系谱学者;系谱专家 |
geographic | 英 [,dʒɪə'græfɪk] 美 [,dʒiə'ɡræfɪk] | adj. 地理的;地理学的 |
swabbing | 英 [ˈswɒbɪŋ] 美 ['swɔbiŋ] | n. 擦(抹);(起模前)刷水 |
saliva | 英 [səˈlaɪvə] 美 [səˈlaɪvə] |
|
potential | 英 [pəˈtenʃl] 美 [pəˈtenʃl] |
[ 复数 potentials ] |
skeptical | 英 [ˈskeptɪkl] 美 [ˈskeptɪkl] |
[ 比较级 more skeptical 最高级 most skeptical ] |
precision | 英 [prɪˈsɪʒn] 美 [prɪˈsɪʒn] |
|
hawker | 英 [ˈhɔːkə(r)] 美 [ˈhɔːkər] |
[ 复数 hawkers ] |
claiming | 英 [ˈkleɪmɪŋ] 美 [ˈkleɪmɪŋ] | v. 声称;要求给予;理应获得(claim的ing形式) |
lineage | 英 [ˈlɪniɪdʒ] 美 [ˈlɪniɪdʒ] |
[ 复数 lineages ] |
chromosome | 英 [ˈkrəʊməsəʊm] 美 [ˈkroʊməsoʊm] |
[ 复数 chromosomes ] |
inherited | 英 [ɪnˈherɪtɪd] 美 [ɪnˈherɪtɪd] |
|
mitochondrial | 英 [ˌmaɪtəʊˈkɒndriəl] 美 [ˌmaɪtoʊˈkɑːndriəl] | adj. 线粒体的 |
be passed down | 传下来;遗传 | |
systematically | 英 [ˌsɪstəˈmætɪkli] 美 [ˌsɪstəˈmætɪkli] | adv. 有系统地;有组织地 |
lump | 英 [lʌmp] 美 [lʌmp] |
[ 复数 lumps 第三人称单数 lumps 现在分词 lumping 过去式 lumped 过去分词 lumped ] |
patented | 英 ['peɪtəntɪd] 美 [ˈpætntɪd] | adj. 专利的 |
estimate | 英 [ˈestɪmeɪt; ˈestɪmət] 美 [ˈestɪmeɪt] |
[ 复数 estimates 第三人称单数 estimates 现在分词 estimating 过去式 estimated 过去分词 estimated ] |
regions | 英 ['ri:dʒənz] 美 ['ridʒənz] | n. 地区;地域;领域;身体部位(region 的复数) |
peer | 英 [pɪə(r)] 美 [pɪr] |
[ 复数 peers 第三人称单数 peers 现在分词 peering 过去式 peered 过去分词 peered ] |
overlapping | 英 [,əʊvə'læpɪŋ] 美 ['ovər'læp] | v. 重叠;与……重合(overlap 的现在分词 |
excessive | 英 [ɪkˈsesɪv] 美 [ɪkˈsesɪv] | adj. 过多的,极度的;过分的 |
Text 3
The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. Progress in both areas is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that it is, because building new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radically higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.
Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recession and Japan at its pre-bubble peak, the U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of the primary causes of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automative-assembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts------a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.
More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English-speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry's work.
What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don't force it. After all, that's how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didn't have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.
As education improved, humanity's productivity potential increased as well. When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education, however, doesn't constrain the ability of the developing world's workforce to substantially improve productivity for the foreseeable future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn't developing more quickly there than it is.
31. The author holds in Paragraph 1 that the importance of education in poor countries ?
[A] is subject to groundless doubts
[B] has fallen victim of bias
[C] is conventionally downgraded
[D] has been overestimated
32. It is stated in Paragraph 1 that the construction of a new educational system ?
[A] challenges economists and politicians
[B] takes efforts of generations
[C] demands priority from the government
[D] requires sufficient labor force
33. A major difference between the Japanese and U.S. workforces is that ?
[A] the Japanese workforce is better disciplined
[B] the Japanese workforce is more productive
[C] the U.S. workforce has a better education
[D] the U.S. workforce is more organized
34. The author quotes the example of our ancestors to show that education emerged ?
[A] when people had enough time
[B] prior to better ways of finding food
[C] when people no longer went hungry
[D] as a result of pressure on government
35. According to the last paragraph, development of education ?
[A] results directly from competitive environments
[B] does not depend on economic performance
[C] follows improved productivity
[D] cannot afford political changes
翻译:
在贫穷国家,正规教育和经济增长之间的关系被经济学家和政治家们广泛误解。毫无疑问,这两个领域的进步对于这些国家和所有其他国家的社会、政治和智力发展是必要的;然而,传统观点认为教育应该是促进贫穷国家经济快速发展的最优先事项之一,这种观点是错误的。我们很庆幸这种观点错了,因为在这些国家建立新的教育体制并通过这种体制培养足够的人才来提高经济水平需要两三代人的时间。一家研究机构的研究结果一贯表明,所有国家的工人都可以在工作中接受培训,从而从根本上提高生产率,从而从根本上提高生活水平。
具有讽刺意味的是,这个观点的第一个证据出现在美国。不久前,随着美国经济进入衰退,日本处于泡沫前的顶峰,美国劳动力被嘲笑为教育程度低,是美国经济表现不佳的主要原因之一。日本过去和现在都是全球汽车组装生产率的领导者。但调查结果显示,本田、日产、丰田等美国工厂的生产效率达到了日本工厂的95%左右,这是因为美国工人接受了在职培训。
最近,在调查住房建筑业时,研究人员发现,尽管建筑业的工作很复杂,但在得克萨斯州休斯顿,不识字、不会说英语的墨西哥工人总是能达到劳动生产率的最佳实践标准。
教育和经济发展的真正关系是什么? 我们不得不怀疑,即使政府不强制,持续的经济增长也会促进教育的发展。毕竟,教育就是这样开始的。毕竟,教育就是这样开始的。一万年前,当我们的祖先还是猎人和采集者时,除了寻找食物,他们没有时间思考其他事情。只有当人类开始以更有效的方式获取食物时,才有时间做其他事情。
随着教育的改善,人类的生产力潜力也在增加。当竞争环境推动我们的祖先发挥这种潜力时,他们反过来也能负担得起更多的教育。对于先进的经济表现所要求的复杂的政治制度来说,教育水平的日益提高可能是必要的,而不是充分的条件。因此,如果没有政治变革,穷国可能无法摆脱贫困陷阱,而政治变革只有通过更广泛的正规教育才能实现。然而,正规教育的缺乏并不会限制发展中国家劳动力在可预见的未来大幅提高生产力的能力。相反,对提高生产力的限制解释了为什么那里的教育没有比现在发展得更快。
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
alike | 英 [əˈlaɪk] 美 [əˈlaɪk] |
[ 比较级 more alike 最高级 most alike ] |
intellectual | 英 [ˌɪntəˈlektʃuəl] 美 [ˌɪntəˈlektʃuəl] |
[ 复数 intellectuals 比较级 more intellectual 最高级 most intellectual ] |
conventional | 英 [kənˈvenʃənl] 美 [kənˈvenʃənl] | adj. 符合习俗的,传统的;常见的;惯例的 |
radically | 英 [ˈrædɪkli] 美 [ˈrædɪkli] | adv. 根本上;彻底地;以激进的方式 |
consistently | 英 [kənˈsɪstəntli] 美 [kənˈsɪstəntli] | adv. 一贯地;一致地;坚实地 |
ironically | 英 [aɪˈrɒnɪkli] 美 [aɪˈrɑːnɪkli] | adv. 讽刺地;说反话地 |
entering | 英 ['entərɪŋ] 美 [ˈentərɪŋ] | v. 进入(enter的ing形式);录入;键入 |
recession | 英 [rɪˈseʃn] 美 [rɪˈseʃn] |
[ 复数 recessions ] |
pre-bubble peak | 泡沫经济破灭前的高峰期 | |
derived | 英 [dɪ'raɪvd] 美 [dɪˈraɪvd] |
|
automative-assembly | 自动汇编 | |
counterparts | 英 [ˈkaʊntəpɑːt] 美 [ˈkaʊntərpɑːrt] | n. (职位或作用)相当的人;相对应的事物;(法律文件)副本(counterpart 的复数) |
illiterate | 英 [ɪˈlɪtərət] 美 [ɪˈlɪtərət] |
[ 复数 illiterates 比较级 more illiterate 最高级 most illiterate ] |
suspect | 英 [səˈspekt] 美 [səˈspekt] |
[ 复数 suspects 第三人称单数 suspects 现在分词 suspecting 过去式 suspected 过去分词 suspected 比较级 more suspect 最高级 most suspect ] |
gatherer | 英 [ˈɡæðərə(r)] 美 [ˈɡæðərər] |
[ 复数 gatherers ] |
potential | 英 [pəˈtenʃl] 美 [pəˈtenʃl] |
[ 复数 potentials ] |
competitive | 英 [kəmˈpetətɪv] 美 [kəmˈpetətɪv] |
[ 比较级 more competitive 最高级 most competitive ] |
sufficient | 英 [səˈfɪʃnt] 美 [səˈfɪʃnt] | adj. 足够的;充分的 |
traps | 英 [træps] 美 [træps] | n. [计] 陷阱;圈套(trap的复数形式);手提行李;随身用物品 |
substantially | 英 [səbˈstænʃəli] 美 [səbˈstænʃəli] | adv. 实质上;大体上;充分地 |
foreseeable | 英 [fɔːˈsiːəbl] 美 [fɔːrˈsiːəbl] | adj. 可预知的,可预测的 |
groundless | 英 [ˈɡraʊndləs] 美 [ˈɡraʊndləs] | adj. 无理由的 |
victim | 英 [ˈvɪktɪm] 美 [ˈvɪktɪm] |
[ 复数 victims ] |
bias | 英 [ˈbaɪəs] 美 [ˈbaɪəs] |
[ 复数 biases 第三人称单数 biases或biasses 现在分词 biasing或biassing 过去式 biased或biassed 过去分词 biased或biassed ] |
downgraded | 英 美 [ˌdaʊnˈɡreɪdɪd] |
|
overestimated | 英 美 [,ovər'estə,met] |
|
disciplined | 英 [ˈdɪsəplɪnd] 美 [ˈdɪsəplɪnd] |
|
Text 4
The most thoroughly studied intellectuals in the history of the New World are the ministers and political leaders of seventh-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was "so much importance attached to intellectual pursuits." According to many books and articles, New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding,dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally means to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church------important subjects that we may no neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture, adjusting to New World circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts churches in the decade after 1629, there were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. These men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few craftsmen or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, it is obvious that their views were less fully intellectualized. Their thinking often had a traditional superstitious quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. Sexual confusion, economic frustrations, and religious hope------all came together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: "Come out from among them, touch no unclean thing, and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in Puritan churches.
Meanwhile, many settlers had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New World for region. "Our main end was to catch fish."
36.The author holds that in the seventeenth-century New England ?
[A] Puritan tradition dominated political life.
[B]intellectual interests were encouraged
[C] politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors
[D] intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment
37. It is suggested in Paragraph 2 that New Englanders ?
[A] experienced a comparatively peaceful early history
[B] brought with them the culture of the Old World
[C] paid little attention to southern intellectual life
[D] were obsessed with religious innovations
38. The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay ?
[A] were famous in the New World for their writtings
[B] gained increasing importance in religious affairs
[C] abandoned high positions before coming to the New World
[D] created a new intellectual atmosphere in the New England
39.The story of John Dane shows that less well-educated New Englanders were often ?
[A] influenced by superstitions
[B] troubled with religious beliefs
[C] puzzled by church sermons
[D] frustrated with family earnings
40. The text suggests that early settlers in New England ?
[A] were mostly engaged in political activities
[B] were motivated by an illusory prospect
[C] came from different intellectual background
[D] left few formal records for later reference
答案:36-40 BBDAC
翻译:
在新大陆的历史上,被研究得最透彻的知识分子是七世纪新英格兰的牧师和政治领袖。根据标准的美国哲学史,在美国殖民地,没有任何其他地方“如此重视智力追求”。根据许多书籍和文章的记载,新英格兰的领袖们在美国知识分子的生活中确立了逐渐形成的、占主导地位的清教传统的基本主题和关注点。
对新英格兰人采取这种方法通常意味着要从清教徒的神学创新和他们对教会的独特想法开始------是我们不可忽视的重要主题。但是,为了与我们对南方知识分子生活的考察保持一致,我们可以认为,最初的清教徒是欧洲文化的载体,是适应新世界环境的。在追求被广泛理解的文明和精湛技艺的过程中,新英格兰殖民地发生了许多重要事件。
马萨诸塞湾的早期定居者包括在英国受过良好教育和有影响力的人。在1629年之后的十年里,除了大约90位来到马萨诸塞教堂的博学的牧师外,还有像约翰·温斯洛普这样的政治领袖,在他前往波士顿之前,他是一位受过良好教育的绅士、律师和王室官员。这些人大量写作和出版,在新大陆和旧大陆都有读者,并给新英格兰带来了一种诚挚的学术氛围。
然而,我们不应忘记,大多数新英格兰人受教育程度较低。虽然很少有工匠或农民,更不用说家属和仆人,留下文学作品来分析,但很明显,他们的观点没有完全智能化。他们的思想往往带有传统的迷信性质。一位名叫约翰·戴恩(John Dane)的裁缝在17世纪30年代晚期移民英国,他留下了一份关于他离开英国的原因的报告,其中充满了种种迹象。当他打开《圣经》,告诉他的父亲他看到的第一行字将决定他的命运,并阅读了神奇的文字时:“你们要从他们中间出来、不可沾不洁净之物。我要作你们的神、你们要作我的子民”,性的困惑、经济上的挫折和宗教上的希望------都在一个决定性的时刻交织在了一起。人们想知道戴恩对他在清教教堂里听到的解释《圣经》的认真布道作何感想。
与此同时,许多定居者的宗教信仰没有戴恩那么虔诚,就像一位牧师在海边遇到一些人时了解到的那样,那些人嘲笑他们不是为了某个地区才来新大陆的。“我们的主要目的是捕鱼。”
生词 | 发音 | 释义 |
thoroughly | 英 [ˈθʌrəli] 美 [ˈθɜːrəli] | adv. 彻底地,完全地 |
attached | 英 [əˈtætʃt] 美 [əˈtætʃt] |
|
philosophy | 英 [fəˈlɒsəfi] 美 [fəˈlɑːsəfi] |
[ 复数 philosophies ] |
pursuits | 英 [pəˈsjuːt] 美 [pərˈsuːt] | n. 追求(pursuit的复数) |
preoccupation | 英 [priˌɒkjuˈpeɪʃn] 美 [priˌɑːkjuˈpeɪʃn] |
[ 复数 preoccupations ] |
occupation | 英 [ˌɒkjuˈpeɪʃn] 美 [ˌɑːkjuˈpeɪʃn] |
[ 复数 occupations ] |
dominant | 英 [ˈdɒmɪnənt] 美 [ˈdɑːmɪnənt] |
[ 复数 dominants 比较级 more dominant 最高级 most dominant ] |
puritan | 英 [ˈpjʊərɪtən] 美 [ˈpjʊrɪtən] |
[ 复数 puritans ] |
[ 复数 approaches 第三人称单数 approaches 现在分词 approaching 过去式 approached 过去分词 approached ] | ||
theological | 英 [ˌθiːəˈlɒdʒɪkl] 美 [ˌθiːəˈlɑːdʒɪkl] | adj. 神学的,神学上的 |
distinctive | 英 [dɪˈstɪŋktɪv] 美 [dɪˈstɪŋktɪv] | adj. 独特的,有特色的;与众不同的 |
neglect | 英 [nɪˈɡlekt] 美 [nɪˈɡlekt] |
[ 第三人称单数 neglects 现在分词 neglecting 过去式 neglected 过去分词 neglected ] |
carriers | 英 [ˈkærɪəz] 美 [ˈkæriərz] | n. 运送者,媒介物;运输公司(carrier复数) |
circumstances | 英 [ˈsɜːkəmstəns; ˈsɜːkəmstɑːns; ˈsɜːkəmstæns] 美 [ˈsɜːrkəmstæns] | n. 环境,状况;(尤指经济上的)境况;原委(circumstance 的复数 |
scenes | 英 [siːnz] 美 [siːnz] | n. 场景(scene的复数);[法] 现场,景色 |
episode | 英 [ˈepɪsəʊd] 美 [ˈepɪsoʊd] |
[ 复数 episodes ] |
cavity | 英 [ˈkævəti] 美 [ˈkævəti] |
[ 复数 cavities ] |
virtuosity | 英 [ˌvɜːtʃuˈɒsəti] 美 [ˌvɜːrtʃuˈɑːsəti] | n. 精湛技巧;对艺术品的爱好;艺术爱好者 |
civility |
[ 复数 civilities ] | |
journey | 英 [ˈdʒɜːni] 美 [ˈdʒɜːrni] |
[ 复数 journeys 第三人称单数 journeys 现在分词 journeying 过去式 journeyed 过去分词 journeyed ] |
crown | 英 [kraʊn] 美 [kraʊn] |
[ 复数 crowns 第三人称单数 crowns 现在分词 crowning 过去式 crowned 过去分词 crowned ] |
extensively | 英 [ɪkˈstensɪvli] 美 [ɪkˈstensɪvli] | adv. 广阔地;广大地 |
earnestness | 英 [ˈɜːnɪstnəs] 美 [ˈɜːrnɪstnəs] | n. 认真;诚挚;正经 |
craftsmen | 英 [ˈkrɑːftsmən] 美 ['krɑ:ftsmən] | n. 工匠;手艺人(craftsman的复数形式) |
literary | 英 [ˈlɪtərəri] 美 [ˈlɪtəreri] |
[ 比较级 more literary 最高级 most literary ] |
compositions | 英 [,kɔmpə'ziʃənz] 美 [,kɔmpə'ziʃənz] | n. 组成成分;作品辑;艺术作品(composition的复数形式) |
superstitious | 英 [ˌsuːpəˈstɪʃəs; ˌsjuːpəˈstɪʃəs] 美 [ˌsuːpərˈstɪʃəs] |
[ 比较级 more superstitious 最高级 most superstitious ] |
tailor | 英 [ˈteɪlə(r)] 美 [ˈteɪlər] |
[ 复数 tailors 第三人称单数 tailors 现在分词 tailoring 过去式 tailored 过去分词 tailored ] |
emigrate | 英 [ˈemɪɡreɪt] 美 [ˈemɪɡreɪt] |
[ 第三人称单数 emigrates 现在分词 emigrating 过去式 emigrated 过去分词 emigrated ] |
bible | 英 [ˈbaɪbl] 美 [ˈbaɪbl] |
[ 复数 bibles ] |
sermon | 英 [ˈsɜːmən] 美 [ˈsɜːrmən] |
[ 复数 sermons ] |
commitment | 英 [kəˈmɪtmənt] 美 [kəˈmɪtmənt] |
[ 复数 commitments ] |
clergyman | 英 [ˈklɜːdʒimən] 美 [ˈklɜːrdʒimən] |
[ 复数 clergymen ] |
confronting | 英 [kənˈfrʌntɪŋ] 美 [kənˈfrʌntɪŋ] | v. 面对;对抗(confront的ing形式);对立 |
folk | 英 [fəʊk] 美 [foʊk] |
[ 复数 folk或folks ] |
coast | 英 [kəʊst] 美 [koʊst] |
[ 复数 coasts 第三人称单数 coasts 现在分词 coasting 过去式 coasted 过去分词 coasted ] |
endeavors | 英 [ɪn'devəz] 美 [ɪn'dɛvɚz] |
|
obsessed | 英 [əbˈsest] 美 [əbˈsest] |
|
be obsessed with | 痴迷于…… |